Thursday, January 1, 2015

16 bodies recovered from AirAsia crash — 6 found by US Navy ship


SURABAYA, Indonesia — More ships arrived Friday with sensitive equipment to hunt for the fuselage of AirAsia Flight 8501 and the more than 145 people still missing since it crashed into the sea five days ago.


Indonesia's Search and Rescue Agency chief Henry Bambang Soelistyo said efforts would be stepped up as long as the weather allowed.


"We will focus on underwater detection," he said, adding ships from Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the U.S. had been on the scene since before dawn Friday to try to pinpoint wreckage and the all-important black boxes — the flight data and cockpit voice recorders.


The Airbus A320 crashed into the Java Sea on Sunday with 162 people on board. Sixteen bodies have been recovered so far. Seven were announced Friday morning, six of which were found by a U.S. Navy ship, said Suryadi B. Supriyadi, operation coordinator for the National Search and Rescue Agency.


Nine planes, many with metal detecting equipment, were also scouring a 8,380 square mile area off Pangkalan Bun, the closest town on Borneo island to the search area. Two Japanese ships with three helicopters were on their way to the area, Soelistyo said.


But he said bad weather, which has hindered the search the last several days, was a worry. A drizzle and light clouds covered the area Friday morning, but rain, strong winds and high waves up to 13 feet were forecast until Sunday. Strong sea currents have also kept debris moving.


Soelistyo estimated the fuselage was at a depth of about 80 to 100 feet and vowed to recover the bodies of "our brothers and sisters ... whatever conditions we face."


So far, one victim of the crash has been returned to her family Thursday — the first of many painful reunions to come.


Hayati Lutfiah Hamid's identity was confirmed by fingerprints and other means, said Col. Budiyono of East Java's Disaster Victim Identification Unit.


Her body, in a dark casket topped with flowers, was handed over to family members during a brief ceremony at a police hospital in Surabaya, Indonesia's second-largest city and the site where the plane took off. A relative cried as she placed both hands against the polished wood.


The coffin was then taken to a village and lowered into a muddy grave, following Muslim obligations requiring bodies to be buried quickly. An imam said a simple prayer as about 150 people gathered in the drizzling rain, and red flowers were sprinkled over the mound of wet dirt topped by a small white tombstone.


The longer the search takes, the more corpses will decompose and the farther debris will scatter.


Aviation expert Geoffrey Thomas in Australia said there's a chance the plane hit the water largely intact, and that many passengers remain inside it.


He added that bodies recovered so far would have come out with a breach in the fuselage. "But most passengers still should have had their seat belts on, particularly as the plane was going into weather. The captain would have still had the seat belt sign on."


It's unclear what brought the plane down about halfway into its two-hour flight to Singapore. The jet's last communication indicated the pilots were worried about bad weather. They sought permission to climb above threatening clouds but were denied because of heavy air traffic. Four minutes later, the airliner disappeared from the radar without issuing a distress signal.


The black boxes hold key data that will help investigators determine the cause of the crash, but they have yet to be recovered. Items found so far include a life jacket, an emergency exit door, an inflatable slide, children's shoes and luggage.


Relatives have given blood for DNA tests and submitted photos of their loved ones, along with identifying information such as tattoos or birthmarks that could help make the process easier.


The long wait, with its starts and stops, has been frustrating for Sugiarti. Her 40-year-old sister, Susiyah, was a nanny traveling to Singapore for a vacation with her employers and their 2-year-old daughter.


"I hope that they can find her body soon. I feel sorry for my sister because it has already been five days," Sugiarti told reporters in Surabaya. "I am trying very hard to be patient."


Almost all the passengers were Indonesian, and many were Christians of Chinese descent. The country is predominantly Muslim, but sizeable pockets of people of other faiths are found throughout the sprawling archipelago.


McDowell reported from Pangkalan Bun, Indonesia. Associated Press writers Niniek Karmini, Ali Kotarumalos and Margie Mason in Jakarta contributed to this report.



Conservatives should want states to be free to fail


The death of Vermont’s effort to install single-payer health care is revealing — and not only for what it says about the feasibility of such government-run systems in the United States. It also shows conservatives a way forward if the Supreme Court voids broad swaths of the Affordable Care Act in 2015.


In King v. Burwell, the court will consider a challenge to the legality of Obamacare subsidies distributed in states using the federally run health-insurance exchange. The law states the subsidies may be distributed only through exchanges “established by the states.” But the Obama administration has argued for a broader reading permitting the distribution of subsidies to individuals living in states using the federal exchange.


If the justices determine the law means what it says, it’s likely that the architecture of Obamacare in states without their own exchanges will be fundamentally compromised. That is because the absence of public subsidies makes health insurance unaffordable for millions, therefore invalidating the employer mandate in those states and, by extension, creating many exceptions to the individual mandate as well.


This could potentially set up a situation where the states that didn’t establish their own exchanges face pressure to establish programs to help furnish affordable health insurance to those who will no longer receive subsidies through Obamacare. While the federal government will need to play some role in helping to finance these reforms, governors and state leaders will have the opportunity (and will be expected) to show leadership in a post-King world.


For conservatives, this would be an important juncture. On one hand, the prospect of federalist reforms, where states take the lead in expanding private coverage while holding down rising medical costs, is an exciting one. On the other hand, with such federalist policies comes the possibility that some states will try to do what Vermont did and pursue single-payer or big-government approaches to health care.


The temptation for conservatives will be to argue that the federal government should restrict the kinds of changes states can pursue, to prevent others from taking the Vermont route. In the past, some conservatives have in effect made this point: States should be given the freedom and flexibility to pursue solutions that serve their citizens best, this argument goes, so long as federal funds aren’t used to support policies that stray from free-market principles.


Such restrictions would be wrong-headed. Federalism means states will try “novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country,” as Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis wrote. And states should be free to craft the health care system their elected officials select, even if conservatives (or anyone else, for that matter) find the changes offensive. The nature of federalism is that the best ideas will be replicated, while the worst ones won’t be.


Vermont’s experience is therefore instructive. The state shuttered its effort to set up a single-payer system because, in the words of Democratic Gov. Peter Shumlin, “the potential economic disruption and risks would be too great to small businesses, working families and the state’s economy.”


The acknowledgment by Vermont officials that it was economically and fiscally infeasible to set up a government-run health care system will give pause to other states that are interested in doing something similar. The failed experience of one state helps influence what other states will or won’t do.


The failure of Vermont’s single-payer effort is no guarantee that other states won’t adopt similarly wrong-headed programs. But if the Supreme Court rules against the Obama administration in the King case, conservatives should nonetheless let many flowers bloom when it comes to state-based reform.


That may be a tough pill for them to swallow, if some states enact policies anathema to free-market values. But conservatives should have enough faith in their principles to believe that these efforts will ultimately fail — and lead to a consensus that less, not more, government is the best way to change our health care system for the better.


Lanhee Chen is a Bloomberg View columnist. A research fellow at the Hoover Institution who also teaches public policy at Stanford University, he was the policy director of Mitt Romney’s 2012 presidential campaign.



Slaves endure 'a living hell' on remote South Korean islands


SINUI ISLAND, South Korea — He ran the first chance he got.


The summer sun beat down on the shallow, sea-fed fields where Kim Seong-baek was forced to work without pay, day after 18-hour day mining the big salt crystals that blossomed in the mud around him. Half-blind and in rags, Kim grabbed another slave, and the two men — both disabled — headed for the coast.


Far from Seoul, the glittering steel-and-glass capital of one of Asia's richest countries, they were now hunted men on this tiny, remote island where the enslavement of disabled salt farm workers is an open secret.


"It was a living hell," Kim said. "I thought my life was over."


Lost, they wandered past asphalt-black salt fields sparkling with a patina of thin white crust. They could feel the islanders they passed watching them. Everyone knew who belonged and who didn't.


Near a grocery, the store owner's son came out and asked what they were doing. Kim broke down, begged for help, said he'd been held against his will. The man offered to take them to the police to file a report. Instead, he called their boss, who beat Kim with a rake — and it was back to the salt fields.


"I couldn't fight back," Kim said, in a recent series of interviews with The Associated Press whose details are corroborated by court records and by lawyers, police and government officials. "The islanders are too organized, too connected."


* * *


Slavery thrives on this chain of rural islands off South Korea's rugged southwest coast, nurtured by a long history of exploitation and the demands of trying to squeeze a living from the sea.


Five times during the past decade, revelations of slavery involving the disabled have emerged, each time generating national shame and outrage. Kim's case prompted a nationwide government probe during the course of several months last year. Officials searched more than 38,000 salt, fish and agricultural farms and disabled facilities and found more than 100 workers who had received no — or only scant — pay, and more than 100 who had been reported missing by their families.


Yet little has changed on the islands, according to a months-long investigation by the AP based on court and police documents and dozens of interviews with freed slaves, salt farmers, villagers and officials.


Although 50 island farm owners and regional job brokers were indicted, no local police or officials have faced punishment — and national police say none will, despite multiple interviews showing some knew about the slaves and even stopped escape attempts.


Slavery has been so pervasive that regional judges have shown leniency toward several perpetrators. In suspending the prison sentences of two farmers, a court said that "such criminal activities were tolerated as common practice by a large number of salt farms nearby."


The AP findings shine a spotlight on the underbelly of an Asian success story. After decades of war, poverty and dictatorship, South Koreans now enjoy a vibrant democracy and media, and an entertainment industry that's the envy of the region. But amid the country's growing wealth and power, the disabled often don't fit in.


Soon after the national government's investigation, activists and police found another 63 unpaid or underpaid workers on the islands, three-quarters of whom were mentally disabled.


Yet some refused to leave the salt farms because they had nowhere else to go. Several freed disabled slaves told the AP they will return because they think that even the salt farms are better than life on the streets or in crowded shelters. In some cases, relatives refused to take back the disabled or sent salt farmers letters confirming that they didn't need to pay the workers.


Kim's former boss, Hong Jeong-gi, didn't respond to multiple requests for comment through his lawyer but argued in court that he didn't confine the two men. Hong is set to appear next week in court to appeal a 3½-year prison sentence.


Other villagers, including paid salt workers, say farmers do the best they can despite little help from the government and add that only a few bad owners abuse workers. Farmers describe themselves as providing oases for the disabled and homeless.


"These are people who are neglected and mistreated, people who have nowhere to go," Hong Chi-guk, a 64-year-old salt farmer in Sinui, told the AP. "What alternative does our society have for them?"


* * *


On the night of July 4, 2012, a stranger approached Kim in a Seoul train station where he was trying to sleep; Kim had been homeless since fleeing creditors a decade earlier. The man offered him lodging for the night and promised him food, cigarettes and a "good job" in the morning.


Hours later, Kim stood in the muck of a salt farm owned by Hong, who had paid an illegal job agent the equivalent of about $700 for his new worker, according to court records.


Kim, visually disabled and described in court documents as having the social awareness of a 12-year-old, had no money, no cellphone and only the vaguest idea of where he was.


The afternoon of his first full day on the farm, Hong erupted as Kim struggled with the backbreaking work, according to the prosecutors' indictment that a judge based Hong's sentence on. The owner grabbed him from behind and flipped him onto the ground, screaming, "You moron. If I knew you'd be so bad at this, I wouldn't have brought you here."


In the next weeks, Hong punched him in the face for not cleaning floors properly. He beat him on the buttocks with a wooden plank for raking the salt in the wrong way.


"Each time I tried to ask him something, his punch came first," Kim told the AP. "He told me to use my mouth only for eating and smoking. He said I shouldn't question things and should be thankful because he fed me and gave me lodging and work."


It was just as bad for the other slave, Chae Min-sik, a tiny man whose disabilities are so severe that he struggles even with basic words.


Only a week after his first capture, Kim began to plan another escape.


* * *


"Angel Islands," the regional tourist board calls the 1,004 islands clustered in the sun-sparkling waters off South Korea's southwestern tip, because the Korean word for "1,004" sounds like the word for "angel."


Local media call them "Slave Islands."


Parts of the region have been shut out from the country's recent meteoric development. On many of the 72 inhabited islands, salt propels the economic engine, thanks to clean water, wide-open farmland and strong sunlight.


Sinan County has more than 850 salt farms that produce two-thirds of South Korea's sea salt. To make money, however, farmers need labor, lots of it and cheap. Around half of Sinui Island's 2,200 people work in salt farming, according to a county website and officials.


Even with pay, the work is hard.


Large farms in Europe can harvest salt once or twice a year with machines. But smaller Korean farms rely on daily manpower to wring salt from seawater.


Workers manage a complex network of waterways, hoses and storage areas. When the salt forms, they drain the fields, rake the salt into mounds, clean it and bag it. The process typically takes 25 days.


Sinan salt, which costs about three times more than refined salt, is coveted in South Korea, found in fancy department stores and given as wedding gifts.


"Everyone makes money from the farms," said Choi Young-shim, the owner of a fish restaurant in Mokpo, the southern port city that's the gateway to the salt islands.


Not everyone.


* * *


The second time they ran, Kim and Chae again tried to find their way to the port. But they had to pass the grocery store to get there, and again the store owner's son, identified by officials only as Yoon, rounded them up and called Hong.


After another beating, it was back to work. The few hours they weren't in the fields, they slept in a concrete storage building filled with piles of junk and large orange sacks of rice.


Kim despaired of ever escaping. Hong was an influential man, a former village head. He was linked by regular social contact and family ties with other salt farmers and villagers, some of whom volunteered to patrol the island for escaped workers.


Although Kim lived only 3 kilometers from a police station, he never thought about asking for help. He thought he'd be ignored or, worse, returned.


Kim ran again at the end of the month. Hong quickly called members of the volunteer patrol, and, again, Yoon spotted the slaves as they tried to reach the port and brought them to Hong.


Furious, the owner issued an ultimatum: Run again, and you'll get a knife in the stomach.


Hong beat Kim so badly he broke Kim's glasses, leaving him nearly blind. He worked Kim so hard the slave was too tired to think about escape, even if he hadn't been terrified to try.


"It just drove me deeper into despair," Kim said. "I never had a chance."


* * *


The exact number of people enslaved on the islands is difficult to determine for the same reasons that slavery lingers: the transient nature of the work, the remoteness of the farms and the closeness — and often hostility — of the island communities.


"It's like a game of hide-and-seek," said Park Su-in, an activist. "What we are finding is just the tip of the iceberg. It's hard to comprehend how bad it is for the disabled people who are forced to work out on these isolated islands."


Activists think many slaves have yet to be found, as some salt farm owners sent victims away or hid them from investigators. They say others coached disabled workers about what they should say in interviews.


While island police officers were moved to different posts on the mainland as part of annual personnel changes, authorities found no collusion, according to a Mokpo police official who spoke on condition of anonymity because of office rules.


"If the recent investigation was done properly, then pretty much everyone on the island should've been taken to the police station and charged," said Kim Kang-won, another activist who participated in the recent investigation on Sinui. "The whole village knew about it. The local government office, and the police as well. It is clear negligence. And the problem hasn't been resolved yet."


Provincial police vowed to inspect farms and interview workers regularly. Choi Byung-dai, a police officer on Sinui Island when Kim was freed, expressed regret about Kim's treatment but also noted the difficulty of monitoring so many salt farms and a flood of seasonal workers.


Salt farmers blame illegal job agencies in Mokpo, which see mentally disabled workers as better bets because they're less likely to complain or run away.


"They're treated like dogs and pigs, but people in the community are used to it," said Kim Kyung-lae, a Mokpo cab driver who regularly drives local employment agents and disabled workers to the ferry port to meet with farm owners.


Others familiar with the island confirm that slavery is rampant.


A doctor who worked at the Sinui Island public health center from 2006 to 2007 said most of the workers he treated were abused or exploited.


"The police chief would tell me that I'd eventually come to understand that this was how things on the island worked," Cho Yong-su said. "For decades, they'd exploited workers in this way, so they couldn't understand that this was abuse."


An outsider might cringe at what's happening on the island, said Han Bong-cheol, a pastor in Mokpo who lived on Sinui for 19 years until June. "But when you live there, many of these problems feel inevitable."


He sympathized with farmers forced to deal with disabled, incompetent workers whom he described as dirty and lazy. "They spend their leisure time eating snacks, drinking alcohol and smoking cigarettes. They are taken once or twice a year to Mokpo so they can buy sex. It's a painful reality, but it's a pain the island has long shared as a community," Han said.


* * *


After a year and a half as a slave, Kim made one last bid for freedom.


He wrote a letter to his mother in Seoul that he never expected to be able to send, calling himself her "foolish" son.


He got a break when Hong's wife let him go alone for a haircut. Walking slowly without his glasses, he ducked into the post office and mailed the letter, which gave directions to the farm.


Kim's mother was stunned. She brought the letter to Seo Je-gong, a police captain for the Seoul Guro district. "A vanished person had suddenly reappeared," Seo, now retired, told AP.


Seo then hatched an extraordinary plan.


Because Kim's letter noted collaboration between local police and salt farm owners, Seo and another Seoul officer ran a clandestine operation without telling local officials.


Carrying fishing rods, they walked around like tourists who had come to fish and buy salt, and surreptitiously took photos of Hong's house and farm. After they watched Hong board a boat, they told Hong's wife they were Seoul police who had come to free Kim.


The officers found the slaves sitting on a mattress in the back room of a storage building with no heat or hot water. Kim wore thin, dirty clothes, slippers and socks with big holes. He looked, Seo said, like a person who had been homeless for a very long time.


Kim was frightened and baffled at first, then relieved. "I am going to live," he said.


When Seo took Kim to a local police station to give an official account, an indignant policeman asked, "Why didn't you leave this to us?"


Villagers, unaware that Kim's escorts were Seoul police, harassed him at the docks, asking where he was going. Some even called Hong.


When Kim met his mother the next day, they both wept. She stroked her son's face. "Everything is all right because you've come back alive," she says in a police video of their reunion.


Chae initially refused to leave Sinui. After Seo later found a 2008 missing person's report for Chae, police returned and rescued him. Chae, who'd spent five years as a slave, now lives in a Seoul shelter.


Hong was convicted of employing a trafficked person, aggravated confinement, habitual violence and violating labor laws. Yoon, the man who captured Kim and Chae three times, was fined $7,500. Two illegal job brokers hired by Hong to procure workers are appealing prison sentences of 2 years and 2½ years.


Kim, who lives in Seoul and occasionally works construction jobs, still seems amazed that his escape plan worked. He settled with Hong for about $35,000 in unpaid wages but is furious that Hong is appealing his prison term next week. Kim will face him in court and has been preparing for the moment.


His body aches, and he gets treatment for lingering pain in his neck, legs and spine.


"Now all I want is peace," Kim said. "I still get nightmares, still wake up in the middle of the night."


His time as a slave has even changed the way he feels about salt. He gets flustered when he talks about it, disgusted when he sees it.


"Just thinking about it makes me grind my teeth."



1st body from AirAsia crash buried; searchers concerned about weather


SURABAYA, Indonesia — More ships arrived Friday with sensitive equipment to hunt for the fuselage of AirAsia Flight 8501 and the more than 150 people still missing since it crashed into the sea five days ago.


Indonesia's Search and Rescue Agency chief Henry Bambang Soelistyo said efforts would be stepped up as long as the weather allowed.


"We will focus on underwater detection," he said, adding ships from Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the U.S. had been on the scene since before dawn Friday to try to pinpoint wreckage and the all-important black boxes— the flight data and cockpit voice recorders.


The Airbus A320 crashed into the Java Sea on Sunday with 162 people on board. Ten bodies have been recovered so far, with the latest, a female victim, announced Friday morning.


Nine planes, many with metal detecting equipment, were also scouring a 8,380 square mile area off Pangkalan Bun, the closest town on Borneo island to the search area. Two Japanese ships with three helicopters were on their way to the area, Soelistyo said.


But he said bad weather, which has hindered the search the past several days, was a worry. A drizzle and light clouds covered the area Friday morning, but rain, strong winds and high waves up to 13 feet were forecast until Sunday. Strong sea currents have also kept debris moving.


Soelistyo estimated the fuselage was at a depth of 80 to 100 feet and vowed to recover the bodies of "our brothers and sisters ... whatever conditions we face."


So far, one victim of the crash has been returned to her family Thursday — the first of many painful reunions to come.


Hayati Lutfiah Hamid's identity was confirmed by fingerprints and other means, said Col. Budiyono of East Java's Disaster Victim Identification Unit.


Her body, in a dark casket topped with flowers, was handed over to family members during a brief ceremony at a police hospital in Surabaya, Indonesia's second-largest city and the site where the plane took off. A relative cried as she placed both hands against the polished wood.


The coffin was then taken to a village and lowered into a muddy grave, following Muslim obligations requiring bodies to be buried quickly. An imam said a simple prayer as about 150 people gathered in the drizzling rain, and red flowers were sprinkled over the mound of wet dirt topped by a small white tombstone.


The longer the search takes, the more corpses will decompose and the farther debris will scatter.


Aviation expert Geoffrey Thomas in Australia said there's a chance the plane hit the water largely intact, and that many passengers remain inside it.


He added that bodies recovered so far would have come out with a breach in the fuselage. "But most passengers still should have had their seat belts on, particularly as the plane was going into weather. The captain would have still had the seat belt sign on."


It's unclear what brought the plane down about halfway into its two-hour flight to Singapore. The jet's last communication indicated the pilots were worried about bad weather. They sought permission to climb above threatening clouds but were denied because of heavy air traffic. Four minutes later, the airliner disappeared from the radar without issuing a distress signal.


The black boxes hold key data that will help investigators determine the cause of the crash, but they have yet to be recovered. Items found so far include a life jacket, an emergency exit door, an inflatable slide, children's shoes and luggage.


Relatives have given blood for DNA tests and submitted photos of their loved ones, along with identifying information such as tattoos or birthmarks that could help make the process easier.


The long wait, with its starts and stops, has been frustrating for Sugiarti. Her 40-year-old sister, Susiyah, was a nanny traveling to Singapore for a vacation with her employers and their 2-year-old daughter.


"I hope that they can find her body soon. I feel sorry for my sister because it has already been five days," Sugiarti told reporters in Surabaya. "I am trying very hard to be patient."


Almost all the passengers were Indonesian, and many were Christians of Chinese descent. The country is predominantly Muslim, but sizeable pockets of people of other faiths are found throughout the sprawling archipelago.


McDowell reported from Pangkalan Bun, Indonesia. Associated Press writers Niniek Karmini, Ali Kotarumalos and Margie Mason in Jakarta contributed to this report.



Battle of New Orleans was crucial US victory after all, historians now say


NEW ORLEANS — New historical research is shedding light on how pivotal the victory by Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson and his ragtag army of frontiersmen, Creoles, slaves and American Indians was at the Battle of New Orleans 200 years ago.


Often, the Battle of New Orleans — the main battle took place Jan. 8, 1815 — is viewed as having been a great military victory, but inconsequential because a peace treaty between Britain and the United States was signed before the battle was fought.


"What I was taught in school, like most of us, was that the Battle of New Orleans was irrelevant," said C.J. Longanecker, a former National Park Service ranger who worked for years at the Chalmette Battlefield, a national park dedicated to the battle.


In reality, historians now say, the peace treaty was only as good as the paper it was written on.


A big discovery has come from British war records: A set of secret orders given in October 1814 to Maj. Gen. Edward Pakenham, the commander of the British invasion of the Gulf Coast.


The orders directed Pakenham to fight on regardless of any peace deal and capture New Orleans, said Ronald Drez, the military historian who uncovered the orders. He dug up the records last spring during research in London for his new book, "The War of 1812, Conflict and Deception: The British Attempt to Seize New Orleans and Nullify the Louisiana Purchase."


This should put to rest any doubt about British designs in America, Drez argues.


"It truly is the smoking gun," Drez said. "They say to Pakenham: 'If you hear of a peace treaty, pay no attention, continue to fight.'"


Drez found the orders among military records in The National Archives at Kew in London.


"It's old information that hasn't been looked at," said Ron Chapman about the orders, a historian at the Nunez Community College close to the old battlefield, a large, grassy slip of land along the Mississippi River surrounded by live oak trees, a sugar mill and oil refineries.


In Chapman's new book, "The Battle of New Orleans: But for a Piece of Wood," he reaches similar conclusions to Drez. Both historians said Americans don't appreciate how close the British came to seizing New Orleans and radically changing the course of American history.


The British viewed the sale of the Louisiana territory by Napoleon Bonaparte to Thomas Jefferson as illegal. Great Britain "had never been reconciled with the loss of its colonies" in North America, said Christina Vella, a Tulane University historian and biographer. "They planned to colonize Louisiana."


The stand by Jackson and his makeshift army, then, takes on new meaning.


Almost 300 British soldiers were dead and almost six times as many were wounded, captured or missing after a multi-pronged attack by the British on the makeshift fortifications the Americans had erected on the two banks of the Mississippi River south of New Orleans. The defeat caused the British armada to retreat to Mobile and definitively ended the War of 1812, and the two countries never went to war again.


"This is as big as Yorktown," Chapman said, referring to the decisive victory over the British during the American Revolution.


All the same, it's not an easy page of American history to digest.


Jackson was a cruel bloodthirsty killer and slave owner. Though courteous in genteel society, the future president drank, swore, smoked, gambled and loved cockfighting. He routinely ordered executions and put bounties on the heads of fugitive slaves, said Vella, the Tulane historian.


As for the other hero of the Battle of New Orleans, the French pirate Jean Lafitte, he was a slave-runner and tax cheat who likely never even heard a shot fired during the battle, said William C. Davis, a historian at Virginia Tech and an authority on Lafitte.


But in discussing the formation of the United States, historians say the battle for New Orleans and its participants, regardless of their failings, were pivotal in saving the American expansionist dream.


"When you think of this nation from shining sea to shining sea," said Longanecker, the retired park ranger, "it would not have happened but for this battle."



USS Abraham Lincoln sailors get in shape with the 'fit boss'


NEWPORT NEWS, Va. (Tribune News Service) — Sailors aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln call him "coach." But Chris Jacquard's job title is "fit boss."


He is a civilian but an integral part of the crew that is two years into its four-year stay at Newport News Shipbuilding, where the Lincoln is undergoing its midlife overhaul.


Jacquard is doing a bit of an overhaul himself. He is breathing new life into the Navy's tired physical training program.


Instead of the typical pushups, situps and running, Jacquard pushes sailors' bodies through a battery of dynamic workouts rarely doing the same movement twice. Most days, Jacquard prefers to run circuits — hitting arms, legs, back and the total body with exercises such as flipping a tractor tire, rope pulls, shuttle sprints and kettle-bell swings. Other days it's weight training in the gym or calisthenics just using body-weight movements.


"I know that tank is empty," Jacquard said on a blustery day on the field behind Huntington Hall, where two dozen sailors were on the 45th minute of an hourlong workout. "You have to make the conscious decision to do it and do it right."


"My tank is halfway," responded Jordan Alvarez, an aviation ordnanceman airman, as he picked up a medicine ball throwing it about 10 feet over his head after pushing out of a squat.


"You better pick up a heavier ball," Jacquard quipped.


Out of earshot of the others, Jacquard told Alvarez to sink lower into his heels and explode out of the squat position.


"I'm more of a runner than a lifter. I detest it," the lean sailor said of Jacquard's workouts. "But I love it at the same time."


Jacquard leads a command-wide PT session every Friday and another weekly workout with "command fitness leaders" from each of the 18 departments on the ship. Those sailors then lead their respective commands in two workouts a week. Jacquard also offers two to three classes a day, ranging from yoga to weightlifting, and has daily office hours to meet with sailors about fitness goals and nutrition.


The Lincoln leadership sought Jacquard, who has worked with professional and Olympic athletes in the past, for a pilot experiment of sorts. The ship's new commander, Capt. Ronald Ravelo, has made fitness a priority during this shore period when it is often hard to keep sailors focused on the mission.


"We don't know what other ships are doing or what other commanders are doing," he said. "This is something specific to the Abraham Lincoln. We want to transition the Lincoln from the type of ship it was to the future."


Jacquard called it "the Lincoln standard."


When the ship rejoins the fleet in 2016, the goal is progress, Jacquard said. That means sailors achieving higher scores on the physical readiness test, or on their way to improvement. When the ship returns to sea, Jacquard and the gym equipment they've been using since he joined the crew six months ago will go, too.


Machinist mate Mark Mendoza said Jacquard has been a motivator among the sailors.


"As soon as Chris showed up, we saw cohesion," Mendoza said. "It's been painful. We're out there getting our rears handed to us. But if you're not out there sweating, if you're not out there feeling something, you're not doing it right."


The fitness regimen isn't simply intended to make the sailors more physically fit. Jacquard said it is a stress reliever and helps with life management. The functional training, as Jacquard called it, directly translates to jobs on the ship.


"It sets you up for if something happens on board," Josh Davis, an aviation boatswains mate handler, said. "For my job, I don't need anything but a colored wand. But we're all firefighters or emergency responders if the worst happens. And we've all got to be physically ready."


(c)2014 the Daily Press (Newport News, Va.)

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Supporters of Army downsizing in Hawaii slam Oahu petition effort


(Tribune Content Agency) — A group in favor of Army downsizing on the Hawaiian island of Oahu is objecting to satellite city halls offering petitions that support keeping the soldiers there.


The Chamber of Commerce Hawaii, meanwhile, is trying to boost those signatures to retain the troops as the state's public support lags the efforts of some communities on the mainland that also want to keep their Army populations.


The Army said it is pursuing a postwar reduction in its ranks that in a worst-case scenario would mean the removal of 19,800 soldiers and civilian workers on Oahu and $1.3 billion in annual soldier-related sales.


"There are differing opinions, and the differing opinion is that there are costs to the Army being here and that the mayor shouldn't be allowed to represent one opinion with public facilities and public personnel," said Makaha resident Al Frenzel, director of the Oahu Council for Army Downsizing.


Frenzel is a retired Army colonel who taught force structuring at the U.S. Army War College. The council, a nonprofit group, supports the turnover of Army facilities and land to the state.


Jesse Broder Van Dyke, a spokesman for Mayor Kirk Caldwell, said the petitions in support of the Army — part of a campaign called "Keep Hawaii's Heroes" — are available at satellite city halls and other locations.


The administration received approval from corporation counsel and the Honolulu Ethics Commission to offer the petitions, he said.


"Mayor Caldwell is a co-sponsor of the ‘Keep Hawaii's Heroes' campaign with (entertainer) Carole Kai Onouye," Broder Van Dyke said. "He strongly supports Oahu's military community and believes there would be a major negative impact to Honolulu's economy and jobs if the U.S. military were to downsize as has been proposed by the federal government."


Laurie Wong, associate legal counsel with the Hono­lulu Ethics Commission, said in an email to Frenzel that "Keep Hawaii's Heroes" falls into a "project with community-wide benefit" exception that allows for the use of city resources.


The Chamber of Commerce, which helped organize the "Keep Hawaii's Heroes" campaign, said the loss of the soldiers, civilians and 30,000 family members would mean the exodus of about 5 percent of Hono­lulu's population.


Schofield Barracks could see the loss of 16,000 soldiers and civilian workers, and Fort Shafter could lose 3,800. Wahiawa, Waialua, Schofield, Mililani and Kunia would lose 38 percent of their populations and 20,000 jobs would be affected, the chamber said.


"The Chamber of Commerce Hawaii supports the right to petition and believes that the impact of Army downsizing in Hawaii would have a profound effect on our state's economy across the board to include small businesses and service, scientific, agricultural and energy sectors," said President and CEO Sherry Menor-McNamara.


The goal of the campaign is to build awareness of the Army's importance in Hawaii, secure 40,000 supporters by Jan. 20, and "demonstrate Hawaii's commitment to the Army" during a "listening session" the service will hold from 6:30 to 8 p.m. Jan. 27 at the Hale Koa Hotel.


A petition at Change.org had gathered 3,515 supporters as of Wednesday.


In addition to the people who have signed the online petition, paper signatures have been collected. To date, more than 8,000 people have signed the petition, Menor-McNamara said.


The Army overall is proposing to reduce its ranks from about 510,000 active-duty soldiers today to between 440,000 and 450,000.


But in the potential cuts it analyzed in Hawaii and dozens of other locations, it weighed reductions down to 420,000 in the event sequestration budget cuts are restored in fiscal 2016.


The U.S. Army Environmental Command reported that it received 111,297 submission, including letters and signatures, relating to the possible cuts at 30 installations.


Most were letters of support seeking to keep the Army presence.


The top submission was 34,618 form letters and signatures received for Fort Polk, La., followed by 21,950 for Fort Benning, Ga.


Frenzel, the downsizing advocate, noted that just 30 letters, some in favor of cuts, were sent in for U.S. Army Garrison Hawaii.


The Oahu Council for Army Downsizing has its own petition on Change.org, with 219 people calling for fewer soldiers. The group is seeking 20,000 supporters.


Army headquarters noted Hawaii's conflicted feelings about the troop stationing in a Dec. 22 Army news story.


The majority of public comments were directed at keeping soldiers, but some were not, the service noted.


"Some comments received suggesting even more troops should leave were from Hawaii, Colorado and a few other places," the Army said.


Any cuts that occur as a result of the analysis won't happen until October 2015, the Army said.


Frenzel's group maintains the Army's downsizing provides a "once in a century opportunity" to return to the state Schofield Barracks, Wheeler Army Airfield, Makua Valley, Dillingham Military Reservation and Kolekole Pass.


The Oahu Council for Army downsizing "does not consider the bulk of the Army's forces on Oahu to be strategically located since these forces do not have readily available airlift or sealift to support their transport to anywhere in the Pacific as quickly as may be needed."


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