Saturday, June 14, 2014

Thousands of Iraqi men answer urgent call to arms


BAGHDAD — Thousands of Shiites from Baghdad and across southern Iraq answered an urgent call to arms Saturday, joining security forces to fight the Islamic militants who have captured large swaths of territory north of the capital and now imperil a city with a much-revered religious shrine.


The mobilization, urged by the nation's top Shiite cleric, took on a sectarian dimension that threatened to intensify Sunni-Shiite strife in a nation already ripped by religious fervor after the militants' battlefield successes.


In Baghdad, fallout from the stunning advance in the north was beginning to affect daily life for the city's 7 million inhabitants.


Some food prices rose dramatically. Army troops went house-to-house searching for militants and weapons in neighborhoods close to vital government installations. The streets of the capital were quieter than usual, and military and police checkpoints made extra efforts to check cars and passenger IDs.


The price hikes were partly the result of transportation disruptions on the main road linking the capital with provinces to the north, but they might also be a telltale sign of a nervous city.


"We were not prepared for this sudden spike in the prices of foodstuff, vegetables and fuel," said Yasser Abbas, a government employee from Baghdad's sprawling eastern Sadr City district.


"I do not know how the poor people in Baghdad will manage their life in the coming days. God be with them until this crisis is over because hunger is as dangerous as bullets."


In the meantime, dozens of men climbed into the back of army trucks at volunteer centers, chanting Shiite religious slogans, hoisting assault rifles and pledging to join the nation's beleaguered security forces to battle the Sunni militants of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIL.


"By God's will, we will be victorious." said one volunteer, Ali Saleh Aziz. "We will not be stopped by the ISIL or any other terrorists."


The volunteers were first taken to an assembly center in eastern Baghdad, where they were handed military uniforms, and later went to Taji, home of Iraq's largest military base north of Baghdad, to undergo basic training. State-run television aired footage of the volunteers being drilled, still in their civilian clothes.


The mobilization unfolded against a backdrop of religious and nationalist fervor. State-run television aired a constant flow of nationalist songs, clips of soldiers marching or singing, as well as interviews with troops vowing to crush the militants. Other broadcasts included archival clips of the nation's top Shiite clerics and aerial shots of Shiite shrines.


Shiite cleric and political leader Ammar al-Hakim was shown on television networks donning camouflaged military fatigues as he spoke to volunteers from his party, although he still wore his clerical black turban that designates him as a direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad.


Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, a Shiite widely resented by Sunnis for his perceived sectarian policies, denied the call by the Iranian-born Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani was directed against Sunnis, saying it was in fact meant to protect the country and its holy shrines.


"Talk of Sunnis and Shiites must be dropped," he said, calling for the unity of all Iraqis.


Many volunteers, however, said they had enlisted to protect their faith and shrines at risk in the city of Samarra north of Baghdad and elsewhere. The militants have threatened to march all the way south to the holy cities of Najaf and Karbala, home to two of the most revered Shiite shrines.


Al-Maliki himself appeared to give the standoff with ISIL a sectarian color, paying a surprise visit to Samarra on Friday and appearing on state-run television while praying there. The shrine was badly damaged in a bombing blamed on Sunni extremists in 2006. That attack sparked a wave of bloodletting between Sunnis and Shiites that lasted two years. The bloodshed ebbed in 2008 after the U.S. troop surge, a revolt by moderate Sunnis against al-Qaida in Iraq and a Shiite militia cease-fire.


The footage seemed clearly aimed at rehabilitating his reputation in the eyes of Shiites as a protector of the faith and its followers. He also declared that Samarra would be the assembly point for the march north to drive out the militants, another apparent religious incentive to Shiites.


On Saturday evening, a dozen armed militiamen got off a bus on a main central Baghdad road and chanted Shiite slogans before driving away.


Fighters from the al-Qaida splinter group, drawing support from former Saddam Hussein-era figures and other disaffected Sunnis, have made dramatic gains in the Sunni heartland north of Baghdad after overrunning Iraq's second-largest city of Mosul on Tuesday. Soldiers and policemen have melted away in the face of the lightning advance, and thousands have fled to the self-ruling Kurdish region in northern Iraq.


On Saturday, insurgents seized the small town of Adeim in Diyala province after Iraqi security forces pulled out, said the head of the municipal council, Mohammed Dhifan. Adeim is about 100 kilometers (60 miles) north of Baghdad. There was no official confirmation of the loss of the town.


Jawad al-Bolani, a lawmaker and former Cabinet minister close to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, said a military offensive was underway Saturday to drive the insurgents from Tikrit, Saddam's hometown north of Baghdad, although fighting in the area could not be confirmed.


Major-General Qassim al-Moussawi, spokesman for the Iraqi military's commander in chief, said Iraq's armed forces have "regained the initiative" in the north and northeast, blunting ISIL advances and regaining control of some localities.


As President Barack Obama considers possible military options for Iraq, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel ordered the aircraft carrier USS George H.W. Bush to move from the northern Arabian Sea into the Persian Gulf. The carrier was to be accompanied by two guided-missile ships.


Iranian President Hassan Rouhani said Saturday that his Shiite nation stands ready to help Iraq if asked, adding that it has "no option but to confront terrorism."


He said Iran would "study if there is a demand for help from Iraq" but that no specific request for assistance had been made.


Entry of Iranian forces into Iraq "has not been raised so far," and "it's unlikely that such conditions will emerge," he added.


Iran has built close political and economic ties with Iraq since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion toppled Saddam's Sunni-led regime.


Associated Press writer Qassim Abdul-Zahra contributed to this report.



Iraqi soldier who fought with Americans says decision to flee left him feeling ashamed


On Day Four of clashes in Mosul between encroaching jihadists and Iraqi security forces, two officers visited an outpost of the Iraqi 2nd Division’s logistics battalion with bad news: they said that all senior commanders had fled.


Stunned and confused, the men called headquarters and received the same information, that all officers colonel and above had abandoned their posts. This evaporation of the officer corps, followed quickly by the rank and file, gave wide berth to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, the extremist group whose capture of northwestern Iraqi territories has brought the country once again to the brink of civil war.


For the ordinary Iraqi soldiers who followed their officers in flight, the unraveling of their nation also brought a deep sense of personal shame and betrayal, said Pvt. First Class Mohammed al Nasseri, who insisted he be identified by a pseudonym because the government has threatened to prosecute deserters.


“I wish I’d been killed rather than live with the humiliation of this return,” Nasseri said.


He shared his account by telephone from his southern hometown of Nasiriyah, where he was still struggling to come to terms with his decision to flee even as he braced for a stream of friends and relatives to show up as part of a tradition to welcome loved ones back from an arduous journey.


Nasseri’s anger was fresh, and he couldn’t help but compare the performance of the Iraqi officers with that of the U.S. military leaders who trained him and the U.S. forces he fought alongside as part of a quick-response team in the insurgent flashpoint of Fallujah years ago. His account, detailed but impossible to independently confirm, painted a picture of a corrupt military leadership that shook down soldiers for cash, kept nonexistent service members on the payroll, and showed up to standard only on the rare occasion Baghdad sends an inspector.


Had the Iraqi military brass in Mosul been chosen because of competency rather than cronyism, Nasseri suggested, perhaps the Islamic State’s march toward Baghdad could’ve been halted, or at least stalled.


“I know what I need to know about fighting in a city,” Nasseri said. “I fought side by side with Americans. Their military has leaders that tell the soldiers what the plan is, and fight. We don’t. There were many more terrorists in Fallujah and the fight was over in a month. (Mosul) wouldn’t have been a big problem if we had leaders.”


Five days after Mosul’s fall late Monday, Iraq on Saturday remained a country spinning apart. While spokesmen for the Iraqi military insisted that the army had halted the ISIS advance at such key towns as Samarra, 70 miles from Baghdad, there was scant evidence of any significant combat and little sign that ISIS and its allies from a collection of Sunni Muslim militias had been pushed back in any significant way.


The Reuters news agency reported fighting at Udhaim, 60 miles north of Baghdad, and Peter Bouckeart, the emergencies director for the advocacy group Human Rights Watch, posted on Facebook that ISIS was receiving mortar fire in Tikrit, Saddam Hussein’s hometown, a two-and-a-half-hour drive from Baghdad. Reuters, citing Tikrit residents, said ISIS forces had booby trapped the entrances to the city in preparation for an assault from the Iraqi military.


In an email to McClatchy, an Iraqi journalist reported that the capital remained “stunned” at ISIS’s rapid advance. Thousands of Shiite Muslims have mustered in the city, answering a call from the country’s most important Shiite cleric, the Grand Ayatollah Ali al Sistani, to bolster the Iraqi army. “If the fight comes to Baghdad there will be carnage,” the journalist wrote, asking not to be identified by name out of security concerns.


Nasseri’s account of his flight makes it seem unlikely that the Iraqi army would soon gain the initiative.


Nasseri said his battalion was supposed to be focused on supplies and transportation, but that the Iraqi military is so poorly organized that he and other logistics soldiers often were sent on raids and other combat-related missions. Nasseri, who said his unit was made up almost exclusively of Shiite Muslims from the fairly homogenous south, said he had spent the past seven years in Mosul and had come to know well the diverse city of Sunnis, Shiites, Arabs and Kurds.


Nasseri served on the east side of Mosul, in a district named “Saddam,” a vestige of the former regime of Iraqi strongman Saddam Hussein. On June 5, the first day of the jihadists’ foray into Mosul, a commercial city of 2 million that had long been an Islamic State cash cow and recruiting ground, Nasseri’s unit got word of suspicious men openly carrying arms in the Saddam district.


“We gathered in the division’s headquarters and we headed there,” Nasseri recalled. “I saw two of the gunmen upon our arrival. We fought from street to street as we chased them. They went into a house, but we didn’t go after them.”


Instead, Nasseri said, a brigadier general called in reinforcements that specialize in defusing bombs; he said he thought a helicopter gunship also attacked the house because of fears that the extremist fighters were strapped with explosives. For the next four hours, Nasseri said, his unit moved from rooftop to rooftop as gunfire crackled around them.


“By the end of the night, we secured the neighborhood,” he said. “We stayed there until the fall of Mosul.”


Nasseri said that a local man would come out to check on the soldiers — he was welcomed because he was a Kurd from the Birwari tribe, not like local Sunni Arabs who are more hostile to what they view as a Shiite sectarian military. But the Kurdish stranger’s in-depth knowledge of the military’s Mosul operations was unsettling, Nasseri said.


“He knew too much,” Nasseri said, recalling that the man knew of an attack on a general, which soldiers had been killed and insider scuttle from the division. When questioned about his sources of information, Nasseri said, the man explained that he was friends with a captain from the division.


Then, on the night Mosul fell, the Kurd returned to the unit and made an unusual request.


“He asked me to leave,” Nasseri recalled. “He said, ‘Go back to your children and wife. Everything is over. Protect your life.’ He kept insisting on this for four hours that night.”


The man gave Nasseri his phone number and made him promise to call.


Later, the two officers visited and told the soldiers that they were the last commanders who hadn’t deserted. “The skies were filled with bullets; the sky turned red,” Nasser said of his last night in Mosul. “I told my fellow soldiers, ‘Don’t be afraid, these are our bullets. Our guys are retreating.’ We shoot everywhere to secure ourselves.”


Nasseri said he stopped a Humvee and asked the soldiers inside what had prompted them to leave: Did you see gunmen? Did you engage in clashes?


“They said no, but that all the generals had fled and no one was left,” Nasseri said.


His unit linked up with a nearby battalion of the Kurdish militia known as peshmerga. Nasseri said he still couldn’t figure out the mass flight — from where he stood, he saw no gunmen, the army’s posts were standing and the clashes seemed concentrated on the west side of Mosul.


Nevertheless, he said, he handed his uniform, military ID and rifle to a friend in a small Christian village, asking him to keep it safe. Nasseri then set off on an uncertain path south, a journey that typically cost him 60,000 Iraqi dinars, about $50, but this time would require 1 million dinars, around $860, all the funds he had on him.


Nasseri said the Kurdish fighters wouldn’t allow the fleeing soldiers to escape through their territories, so they were forced to go back through Mosul. He harbors bitterness toward the Kurds for denying the Iraqi troops access and said that rumors abound of Kurdish complicity in the assault on Mosul, which could strengthen their case for an independent state if the central government in Baghdad collapses.


“I took a cab, then rode in the back of a pickup truck from village to village, and then walked for miles and miles,” Nasseri recalled, rattling off some of his stops, including Kirkuk and Khanaqin. “I can’t recall the names of all the towns; there were so many. I was thirsty, tired and afraid.”


Nasseri said he saw no gunmen, just an eerie tableau of abandoned police vehicles, discarded uniforms and Humvees whose operators had left in a hurry. Opportunistic drivers charged deserters exponentially more than the usual fares: “They knew we would pay, and we did.”


Only now that he’s safely back home in Nasiriyah has he had a moment to go over those heady events and realize the implications for the country. He called the Kurdish stranger who’d tipped him off about the collapse; he said the man finally admitted that he was a major from the Kurdish intelligence apparatus.


Nasseri said he’d return to the fight, but only because of Sistani’s call to arms — not for Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki or for the “corrupt” Shiite political elite he holds responsible for the military’s collapse.


“We felt that we were sold off. The army is broken,” Nasseri said. “I’m still in shock. I can’t understand it — how did all of this happen, and so fast?”


“It is true I was there for the salary,” Nasseri added, “but I was honored to fight the terrorists.”


———


(Mohammed Al Dulaimy is a McClatchy special correspondent; he reported from Columbia, S.C. Hannah Allam reported from Plano, Texas. A McClatchy special correspondent whose name is being withheld for security reasons reported from Baghdad.)



Ukraine vows to punish rebels who downed plane


NOVOHANNIVKA, Ukraine — Ukraine's new president declared Sunday a day of mourning and vowed to punish those responsible after pro-Russia separatists shot down a Ukrainian military transport plane, killing all 49 crew and troops aboard.


It was a bitter setback for the Ukrainian forces — the deadliest single incident yet in their escalating battle against an armed insurgency that the government, backed by the U.S., insists is supported by Russia.


The downing of the plane drew condemnation and concern from the White House, European leaders and U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon. Analysts said it could bring a renewed emphasis on increasing sanctions against Russia.


"(This) will refocus attention on the fact that Russia does not seem to be doing very much to moderate the insurgency (or) the cross-border resupply of separatists," said Timothy Ash, an analyst at Standard Bank PLC. "I would expect the focus to return to sanctions next week."


Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko spoke firmly to glum-faced security officials at a televised emergency meeting Saturday, scolding the head of the country's SBU security service for "omissions" in measures to protect military aircraft.


Poroshenko called for "a detailed analysis of the reasons" for the lapse and hinted that personnel changes were imminent. His office said he vowed to punish "those responsible for the tragedy in Luhansk."


In a conversation with French President Francois Hollande, Poroshenko expressed hope that the European Union would decide on further sanctions against Russia if what he called the illegal border crossings and the supply of weapons did not cease.


Nine crew and 40 troops were aboard the Il-76 troop transport when it went down early Saturday as it approached the airport at Luhansk, the Ukrainian prosecutor general's office said.


The plane's tail section and other pieces of scorched wreckage lay in a field near the village of Novohannivka, 20 kilometers (12 miles) south of Luhansk. An Associated Press reporter saw a dozen or more armed separatists inspecting the crash site.


Defense Ministry spokesman Bohdan Senyk said the rebels used anti-aircraft guns and a heavy machine gun to down the plane, while the prosecutor general's office said rebels used an anti-aircraft missile.


Luhansk, a city near the border with Russia, is one of two eastern areas where separatists have seized government buildings and declared independence. Ukrainian forces still control the Luhansk airport.


In other fighting, five border guards were killed and seven wounded Saturday in the southern port of Mariupol when their column of vehicles was ambushed, the guards service said.


The U.S. government reiterated its support for Poroshenko's government and rejected Russia's statements that it was not arming the rebels. The U.S. said Russia had sent tanks and rocket launchers to the rebels, making sure the unmarked tanks were of a type not currently being used by Russian forces.


"We condemn the shooting down of the Ukrainian military plane and continue to be deeply concerned about the situation in eastern Ukraine, including by the fact that militant and separatist groups have received heavy weapons from Russia, including tanks, which is a significant escalation," said White House spokeswoman Laura Lucas Magnuson.


Hollande and German Chancellor Angela Merkel jointly called Russian President Vladimir Putin to express their "dismay" over the downing of the plane and said the incident makes clear how urgent a cease-fire is, German government spokesman Georg Streiter said.


Merkel stressed that, for a cease-fire to last, Russia must better control its border with Ukraine to stem the flow of weapons and fighters and the Russian government must also exert its influence on pro-Russia rebels.


The Kiev government has accused Russia of permitting three tanks to cross the border this week into eastern Ukraine, where they were used by rebels. Russia denies supplying the separatists and says Russians fighting in Ukraine are volunteers.


Moscow did not respond to the tank reports but instead accused the Ukrainian military of violating the border several times, including when an armored vehicle ventured about 150 meters (yards) Friday into Russia. The Russian Foreign Ministry warned Saturday if the incursions continued it would "take all necessary measures to suppress them."


NATO, meanwhile, released images Saturday that it said showed recent Russian tank movements near the border. It said the tanks seen in eastern Ukraine "do not bear markings or camouflage paint like those used by the Ukrainian military." It said those tactics were used by the Russians who had seized Crimea in March.


Tensions between Ukraine and Russia escalated in February after pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych was driven from office by protesters who wanted closer ties with the European Union and an end to the country's endemic corruption. Russia then seized and annexed Ukraine's Black Sea peninsula of Crimea.


The U.S. and Europe rejected the annexation and responded with financial sanctions targeting individuals. They have threatened to further extend the sanctions to the Russian economy.


In Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, the European Union's energy commissioner joined officials from Ukraine and Russia for talks late Saturday on the two nations' bitter natural gas dispute. Those participating included Ukrainian Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, Gazprom CEO Alexei Miller and the head of Ukraine's state gas company Naftogaz.


Russia says Ukraine owes billions in unpaid gas debts and has set a deadline of Monday before it will demand upfront payments for gas supplies. Ukraine disputes the debt amount and, with its economy in dire straits after the departure of Yanukovych, has little ability to repay. The two sides were also negotiating the price Ukraine will pay for future gas supplies.


Also in Kiev, about a hundred protesters hurled eggs and paint Saturday at the Russian Embassy and overturned several parked cars with diplomatic plates. One held a sign saying "Russia is a killer."


McHugh contributed from Kiev. Lynn Berry in Moscow contributed reporting.



Political turmoil could give Calif. rocket firm edge over Russians


Political fallout over the seizure of Crimea has caused the U.S. government to rethink its partnership with Russia on space programs, which has bolstered business prospects for a historic California rocket company.


Engineers at Aerojet Rocketdyne in Canoga Park are designing a new liquid-fuel rocket engine that would directly compete against one built by a Russian company that's currently used on high-profile launches.


If Aerojet Rocketdyne does end up building the replacement engine, it could mean millions of dollars' worth of contracts and years of work for employees in Canoga Park, who have been stung by layoffs and program cancellations for years.


"It's a potential game-changer on many fronts," said Warren M. Boley, Aerojet Rocketdyne president. "It would build on our ongoing legacy."


If the federal government ultimately decides to buy the idea, it would mark a return to the ingenuity of the rocket engine manufacturing business that helped pioneer space exploration. Aerojet Rocketdyne supplied the colossal Saturn V rocket's major engines for the Apollo moon shots. The company also built the shuttle's reusable main engines.


Game-changing new generations of large rocket engines like these have not been developed since NASA's funding dried up and its manned space program waned.


Although many herald the emergence of Hawthorne upstart Space Exploration Technologies Corp., or SpaceX, its Merlin rocket engine is based on decades-old technology.


"There just hasn't been enough government investment," said Daniel Gouré, national security analyst with the Lexington Institute in Arlington, Va. "A new engine would free us from dependence on Russia. This is an important undertaking from an economic, jobs and national security perspective."


Now, Aerojet Rocketdyne is developing the AR-1, the first engine to be built since Aerojet and Rocketdyne merged last year to become the nation's sole provider of large liquid-fuel rocket engines.


The engine, which would provide 500,000 pounds of thrust, could be installed on a variety of rockets, such as SpaceX's Falcon 9 or Orbital Sciences Corp.'s Antares. But perhaps the most promising is United Launch Alliance's Atlas V rocket, which now uses a Russian-made engine, the RD-180.


United Launch Alliance is a joint venture of the nation's two largest weapons makers, Boeing Co. and Lockheed Martin Corp. As it stands, United Launch Alliance is the sole provider to the Air Force of rockets to launch its school-bus-size satellites for spying, weather forecasting, communications, GPS and other experimental purposes.


The RD-180 engine provides the main thrust for the rocket. The arrangement with Russia, though, is showing some strain.


Last month, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin suggested that his nation might halt U.S. access to its launch vehicles and may use the International Space Station without American participation.


In the wake of Russia's seizure of Crimea, the Pentagon asked the Air Force to review United Launch Alliance's use of the Russian RD-180 engine.


United Launch Alliance said it was not aware of any restrictions. But even if an embargo on the engines takes effect, the company says, it has stockpiled a two-year supply.


Aerojet Rocketdyne said AR-1 engines wouldn't be ready until 2019, and will probably cost up to $25 million for a pair.


The company said it has already spent about $300 million on research and development of the AR-1. No decision has been made on where the engine will be assembled, but there's a good chance that it will be Canoga Park.


Rocketdyne engineers were at the forefront of developing engines in the days of slide rules and drafting tables, before advanced computers took a central role.


It was here that the biggest engines in NASA's manned spaceflight program were put together: the mighty F-1s on the Saturn V and the dependable Space Shuttle's main engines.


Once swarming with engineers and technicians toiling on various programs, the storied site in Canoga Park is now empty. The scores of massive machines once humming and churning out parts for spacecraft sit dormant.


The remaining workforce of about 1,000 has been moved to a facility a few miles away on DeSoto Avenue.



Wednesday, June 11, 2014

Japan, Australia agree to develop stealth submarine technology


TOKYO — Japan and Australia agreed Wednesday to jointly develop stealth submarine technology, as Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe pushes his country toward a more assertive global military role.


The submarine technology was a top item at talks among the nations' foreign and defense ministers in Tokyo and was included in an agreement to step up cooperation in defense equipment and technology.


Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera told a joint news conference after the talks that the ministers agreed to begin the research next year. It will focus on technology that is applicable to any vessel including submarines, he said, but declined to give further details.


"I have high expectations for successful results," he said. Onodera said the research and possible technology transfer would not violate Japan's pacifist constitution.


Onodera and Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida were joined by their Australian counterparts, Julie Bishop and David Johnston, at Wednesday's meeting. The four also agreed to strengthen military ties.


The research aims to develop faster submarines with reduced water resistance and quieter propellers, Japanese defense officials said earlier this week. But the joint research will not necessarily lead to the sale of Japanese submarines to Australia, which is exploring purchasing submarines from Germany and France as well.


The research, however, widens the possibility of Japan supplying military technology overseas. The Abe government in April eased Japan's self-imposed limits on military exports, paving the way for its largely domestic defense industry to go global. Japan has also agreed to develop hazmat suits with Britain, and is seeking to export search and rescue aircraft to India.


Abe says the U.S.-Japan alliance remains central to his security policy but has widened defense cooperation with Britain, France, India and several Asian-Pacific nations, particularly Australia, amid an expansion of Chinese military activities in the region and concern that budget pressures may reduce America's presence.


He is trying to ease constitutional restraints so Japan's military can use force not only in Japan's own defense but also to defend foreign troops.


Onodera has said Australia has a strong interest in Japan's submarine technology. Johnston is expected to tour a Japanese Soryu-class submarine at Yokosuka naval port, south of Tokyo, during his visit.


The 2,950-ton diesel-electric submarine is the most advanced model in Japan's fleet of 16 submarines. It comes with air-independent propulsion technology acquired from Sweden, and is armed with torpedoes and Harpoon missiles.


"We would like the Australian side to closely look at Japanese defense equipment so we can build an even more cooperative relationship between Japan and Australia," Onodera told reporters last Friday.


Australia is also in talks with Germany and France about a 40 billion Australian dollar ($37 billion) plan to replace its Collins-class submarines.



US preparing to send new aid to Iraq to curb marching insurgency


WASHINGTON — The United States is preparing to send new aid to Iraq to help slow a violent insurgent march that is threatening to take over the nation's north, officials said Wednesday. But the Obama administration offered only tepid support for Iraq's beleaguered prime minister, and U.S. lawmakers openly questioned whether he should remain in power.


With no obvious replacement for Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki — and no apparent intent on his part to step down — Washington is largely resigned to continue working with his Shiite-led government that has targeted Sunni political opponents and, in turn, has inflamed sectarian tensions across Iraq.


"He's obviously not been a good prime minister," said Sen. Bob Corker, top Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. "He has not done a good job of reaching out to the Sunni population, which has caused them to be more receptive to al-Qaida efforts."


The panel's chairman, Sen. Bob Menendez, a Democrat, noted only lukewarm support for al-Maliki, both in Iraq and among U.S. officials. "I don't know whether or not he will actually be the prime minister again," Menendez said. "I guess by many accounts, he may very well ultimately put (together) the coalition necessary to do that."


Insurgents with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, which is inspired by al-Qaida, overran the northern Iraqi town of Tikrit on Wednesday, a day after seizing Mosul, the nation's second-largest city. The insurgent network has controlled the western city of Fallujah since the start of this year, and is fighting to take over Beiji, a key northern oil refinery town.


The rampage has raised new doubts about al-Maliki's ability to protect Iraq in areas that were mostly calm when U.S. troops withdrew from the country less than three years ago. Since then, violence has roared back to Iraq, returning to levels comparable to the darkest days of sectarian fighting nearly a decade ago when the country teetered on the brink of civil war.


Al-Maliki and other Iraqi leaders have pleaded with the Obama administration for more than a year for additional help to combat the growing insurgency, which has been fueled by the unrelenting civil war in neighboring Syria. Northern Iraq has become a way station for insurgents who routinely travel between the two countries and are seeding the Syrian war's violence in Baghdad and beyond.


State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said it's expected that the U.S. will give Iraq new assistance to combat insurgents but declined to describe it. Beyond the missiles, tanks, fighter jets and ammunition that the U.S. has already either given or plans to send to Iraq, Baghdad has sought American surveillance drones to root out insurgents.


"The situation is certainly very grave on the ground," Psaki said Wednesday. She said the U.S. is encouraged by Baghdad's recent promise for a national unity effort but "there's more that Prime Minister Maliki can do."


"We agree that all Iraqi leaders, including Prime Minister Maliki, can do more to address unresolved issues there, to better meet the needs of the Iraqi people," Psaki said.


In a statement issued Wednesday night, the White House said the U.S. will work with Congress to provide "flexibility and resources" to help Iraq respond to the insurgency and will increase as required assistance to the government to help build Iraq's capacity to "effectively and sustainably" stop the insurgency's efforts.


A senior U.S. official said the U.S. is considering whether to conduct drone missions for Iraq but that no decision had been made. The official was not authorized to discuss the matter by name and requested anonymity.


U.S. support for al-Maliki has waxed and waned since 2010, when he hung onto power though backroom deal-making after his State of Law party fell short of winning national elections. In 2011, days after the U.S. troop withdrawal, al-Maliki's government began a campaign of persecuting his longtime Sunni political opponents which, in turn, fueled Sunni anger in the Shiite-majority country.


Al-Maliki's party won the most seats in the most recent elections held in April, but it failed to capture a clear majority. That has spawned a rash of political bargaining in Baghdad as officials build a new power-sharing government.


If he remains in power, it's far from certain that al-Maliki will reverse his heavy-handed tactics after eight years in control, and Washington would most likely be happy with a change in leadership. However, a senior Iraqi official said al-Maliki has no intention of stepping down, despite demands from Sunni and Shiite rivals to give up his post.


Al-Maliki's opponents have for years been unable or unwilling to work together to unseat the prime minister and, in the meantime, there are few people in Iraq's current government who could replace him.



Hundreds line procession route to pay respects to fallen Army captain


ORWIGSBURG, Pa. — The body of a Pennsylvania soldier killed in Afghanistan was escorted through his hometown Wednesday as hundreds of people lined the route, paying their respects to the former standout athlete and West Point graduate who belonged to an Army Special Forces unit.


Capt. Jason Jones, 29, of Orwigsburg, was killed by small-arms fire June 2 in Jalalabad.


Led by a contingent of motorcycles, a hearse carrying Jones' body rolled through Orwigsburg on an overcast, drizzly day. It rolled to a stop underneath a gigantic American flag strung between the crossed ladders of two fire trucks, and the crowd fell silent as an honor guard saluted. Then the procession continued on, winding up at a Pottsville funeral home.


His father, Jay Jones, thanked residents for turning out.


"I cannot describe in words how appreciative we are of all this," he said. "The support for us has been unbelievable, and has really helped us get through this extraordinarily difficult time."


Jason Jones was a star high school soccer player and a co-captain of his basketball team. He graduated from the United States Military Academy with a nuclear engineering degree in 2007. His family said he graduated from U.S. Army Ranger School and U.S. Army Airborne School in 2008 and was a member of the 82nd Airborne Division.


He served in Iraq in 2008-09, earning a Bronze Star.


Jones, who had been married less than a year, qualified as a Green Beret last year and was assigned to 1st Battalion, 3rd Special Forces Group at Fort Bragg, North Carolina.


"I think there's two things that I'd like people to remember. First, is how humble he was. He received awards from West Point and during his military career that we never knew about. And that's the way he was. He was so modest," Jay Jones said.


Jones also said his son "loved his school, he loved his sports, he loved his military. He had so many happy days. And he was happy doing what he was doing."


A memorial service was held Saturday in Pottsville. Jones will be buried at West Point in New York on Tuesday.



Bergdahl’s writings reveal a fragile young man


Before he became a Taliban prisoner, before he wrote in his journal "I am the lone wolf of deadly nothingness," before he ever joined the Army, Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl was discharged from the U.S. Coast Guard for psychological reasons, said close friends who were worried about his emotional health at the time.


The 2006 discharge and a trove of Bergdahl's writing — the handwritten journal along with other essays, stories and emails provided to The Washington Post — paint a portrait of a deeply complicated and fragile young man who was by his own account struggling to maintain his mental stability from the start of basic training until the moment in 2009 when he walked off his post in eastern Afghanistan.


"I'm worried," he wrote in one journal entry before he deployed. "The closer I get to ship day, the calmer the voices are. I'm reverting. I'm getting colder. My feelings are being flushed with the frozen logic and the training, all the unfeeling cold judgment of the darkness."



"I will not lose this mind, this world I have deep inside," he wrote a few pages later. "I will not lose this passion of beauty."


"Trying to keep my self togeather," he wrote at another point, using his often unorthodox spelling. "I'm so tired of the blackness, but what will happen to me without it. Bloody hell why do I keep thinking of this over and over."


On June 9, two weeks before he walked away, Bergdahl sent an e-mail to a friend.


"l1nes n0 t g00 d h3rE. tell u when 1 ha ve a si coure 1ine about pl/-\ns," read the partially coded message, one of Bergdahl's many references to unspecified plans and dreams of walking away — to China, into the mountains, or, as he says at one point, into "the artist's painted world, hiding from the fields of blood and screams, hidden from the monster within himself."


Several days after he vanished, a box containing his blue spiral-bound journal, his Apple laptop, a copy of the novel "Atlas Shrugged," military records and other items arrived at the home of his close friend Kim Harrison, whom Bergdahl designated in his Army paperwork as the person who should receive his remains.


Harrison said she decided to share the journal and computer files with The Post because she has become concerned about the portrayal of Bergdahl as a calculating deserter, which she contends is at odds with her understanding of him as a sensitive, vulnerable young man.


Bergdahl's parents declined a request for an interview about their son's writings and mental health. A military spokesman said questions could not be put to Bergdahl "at this point in his reintegration process."


Harrison and others close to Bergdahl said his writing and the events surrounding the Coast Guard discharge raise questions about his mental fitness for military service and how he was accepted into the Army in 2008. Typically, a discharge for psychological reasons would disqualify a potential recruit.


According to Coast Guard records, Bergdahl left the service with an "uncharacterized discharge" after 26 days of basic training in early 2006. The term applies to people discharged before completing 180 days of service. No reason is specified in such discharges, and a Coast Guard representative said no further information was available.


A senior Army official, speaking on condition of anonymity, confirmed that the Army was aware of a prior "administrative discharge" when Bergdahl enlisted. A separate Army official, also speaking on condition of anonymity, said that Bergdahl would have required a waiver to enlist under such circumstances. The official could not immediately confirm that Bergdahl received one.


With two wars raging in Iraq and Afghanistan in 2008, the Army was meeting recruitment goals by issuing waivers that allowed people with criminal records, health conditions and other problems to enlist. According to a 2008 Army War College study on the subject, the Army was issuing waivers at a rate of one for every five recruits at the time.


Whatever the exact circumstances of Bergdahl's enlistment, the Coast Guard discharge came as no surprise to Harrison and other friends of Bergdahl's who grew up with him in Ketchum, Idaho, who said he was a poor fit for military service.


"He is the perfect example of a person who should not have gone" to war, said Harrison, who spoke on the condition that she be identified by her former married name because she is concerned about threats. "The only person worse would be someone with a low IQ. In my mind, they didn't care."


Harrison only recently brought herself to watch the video of Bergdahl's release, in which he walks stiffly from a battered Taliban truck to an American helicopter.


In earlier Taliban propaganda videos, she said, she always recognized some part of the Bowe she remembered from Ketchum, some aspect of the good posture he kept or a familiar expression. As she studied his tense muscles and movements in the release video, she said, "I didn't see any of Bowe left."


'Light in this darkness'


The writing in Bergdahl's journal, emails and laptop spans the year before he walked off his post in eastern Afghanistan on June 30, 2009. Harrison has had custody of the material since a few days after that, except for a brief period when she provided them to U.S. government investigators for review. At present, none of the writing in the journal or computer files references the Taliban, or the politics of the Afghanistan war, although there are references to modern war generally.


"Really, how pathetic i feel as i listen to people talk of the hell I will be heading to . . ." he wrote in a computer file titled "my army memories." "Compared to hell of the real wars of the past, we are nothing but camping boy scots. Hiding from children behind our heavy armored trucks and our c-wire and sand bagged operating post, we tell our selves that we are not cowards . . ."


Mostly, the writing describes Bergdahl's own internal thoughts and struggles, from the first entry in his journal dated June 11, 2008, the month Bergdahl headed to Army basic training in Georgia, to the last email dated June 27, 2009, three days before his disappearance.


"These are just thoughts in the start of this journey," the first journal entry began in the careful, slanted handwriting that Harrison said Bergdahl practiced as a teenager to overcome what she thought was dyslexia. "These thoughts insist on trying to overwhelm my mind. . . . I've spent a lot of my life thinking blackness was all I had in front of me, that it would be blackness to the very last instent. I know this is not right. I know that there is light in this darkness, and that I can actuly reach it if I keep walking, keep moving to it."


While Bergdahl's friends in Ketchum were worried about his decision to join the Army, they also described it as "typical Bowe."


After growing up as a home-schooled kid in the rural fringe of Hailey, Idaho, Bergdahl was drawn to an artistic, free-thinking crowd in the nearby ski town of Ketchum, where he met Harrison when he started taking ballet and fencing lessons at an arts center she ran. He started living away from home, bouncing from couch to couch, and became close friends with her son Shane and daughter Kayla. He befriended two other young men who spoke to The Post last week on condition that they not be named because they are also concerned about threats.


They described Bergdahl as an introspective young man who sometimes painted his fingernails black and identified with Japanese samurai warriors and medieval knights. He was often seen reading and writing in a notebook. He liked to portray himself as a dark, adventurous soul with a chivalrous spirit, a dramatic persona his friends often teased him about.


"There were two sides, one was this guy who was super sweet," one of the friends said. "At the same time, there was this heady introspection."


When he turned 18, Bergdahl began taking off on short-lived adventures. He told friends he was joining a sailing crew in Florida, going to France to join the French Foreign Legion, or setting out to bike around South America, only to reappear in Ketchum after a month or so.


Then one day in 2006, Bergdahl announced he was joining the Coast Guard, a decision his friends thought was unwise given his personality. Harrison said she tried to talk him out of it, but finally relented and drove him to a military office in Idaho Falls to take the Coast Guard exam.


Soon after he left Ketchum for basic training, Bergdahl sent her a dozen or so notebook pages filled with tiny writing, diatribes against the rigors of military life. She was alarmed, she said. When he returned after a few weeks, he told her he had gotten out on a psychological discharge.


"He told me he faked it," she recalled. "I said, 'You don't fake a psychological discharge, you have to become unfit.' I told him that. The reality was it wasn't okay. I saw it in the letters, the way the writing was changing, the anger."


Another friend remembered having a similar conversation with Bergdahl.


"I said, 'What happened?'" this friend recalled. "He said he started to feign a psychological disorder, saying strange things to get out. I remember flat out calling him out on it — I said 'there is something else going on.' He said, 'I chose to do it.'


"I know he believed he was in control, but I didn't," the friend added. "I sincerely doubted that."


Two years later, in early 2008, Bergdahl revealed to Harrison that he had enlisted in the Army.


"I was like, 'Why and how did you even get in?'" she said. "'How did they let you?' I was furious."


Chronicling his worries


Bergdahl landed in Georgia for basic training in June 2008, and began filling up the blue journal.


On the calendar in the back, he scratched out the days with uniform slashes and dots. Inside, he slipped cut-out Sudoku puzzles with the answers taped on the back.


"A wolf, mutt, hound, dog, I've been called these from my childhood," he wrote in the first few pages. "But what good am I, my existence is that of exile. To live on the fringes of this world as a guard . . ."


He wrote about what he described as "shallow" and crude minds around him, and "this hell that pools so many fools, and they are all part of the illusion."


"Bullet sponges," he wrote at one point. "This is what some of the SEALs call regular Army and other mass ground troops. Its right, the job of a soldier is to basically die."


At another: "Lightning, there is nothing as truly beautiful as lightning . . ."


And then: "Puddle of mud, skitsafrentic phyco."


Bergdahl wrote many character sketches and stories about knights who were philosophers and about a girl who "loves the beauty that she sees in this world."


"I'm worried," he wrote a few pages later. ". . . Remember. REMEMBER. Imagination. Realness. To dream. The Universes. REMEMBER. Cold. Swift. Clear. Calm. Logic. Nothingness. Die here. Become empty here."


As he prepared to deploy to Afghanistan, Bergdahl began making long lists including one labeled "Movies 4 My Insanity," which ranged from the Cary Grant film "Houseboat" to "Mary Poppins," "The English Patient" and "The Silence of the Lambs." He wrote about his fantasies and goals.


"One day, if I make it out of this, I will go around the world. I will not use airplanes, but only trains, boats, vehicles, and . . . (if I still have them) my feet."


"I will learn Russian. I will learn Japanese. I will learn French. I will learn Chines."


On the final handwritten journal page, he listed story ideas, the last of which was "a story about one going-crazy-to wander the earth alone."


On a scrap of paper tucked into the journal, he wrote, "Walk us to the end of this. Walk on. And walk us out of here. . . "


'Pulling away'


Bergdahl was sent to Fort Richardson in Alaska to finish out the year, and by March of 2009, he had arrived in Paktika, Afghanistan, where his post was a football-field-size swath of sand partially surrounded with barbed wire.


Into this beige landscape, Bergdahl brought his new laptop loaded with dozens of photos of clouds — clouds at sunrise and sunset, in oranges and blues and grays.


As fellow soldiers have described him, Bergdahl was either a brooding, aloof figure, or "a good soldier" who did what he was asked. In a file titled "threw the brain," Bergdahl wrote of his new experience "i'm at an odd place here."


"Like i'm pulling away from the human world, but getting closer to people," he continued. "Almost as if its not the people I hate, but society's ideas and reality that hold them . . . I want to change so much and all the time, but then my mind just locks down, as if there was some one else in my mind shutting the door in my face. . . . I want to pull my mind out and drop kick it into a deep gorge."


In a file dated a few days later, repetitions of the phrase "velcro or zipper/velcro or zipper/velcro or zipper," cover nearly two pages.


Bergdahl's platoon mostly avoided firefights. In May, when the fighting season was underway in Afghanistan, there was one serious battle with the Taliban, and a bungled mission that left him and fellow soldiers stranded in the mountains for four days.


Bergdahl started writing an account of it on his laptop, describing a mission intended to help recover an armored vehicle that went wrong when his own convoy was hit by an IED.


"The mission was extended, but little detail . . . for command acts like their guarding some kind of secrets when ever oders are passed out. . . . Hitting the mountain road, which is no more then a cart trail winding its way up a redicoulisly steep mountain face, seat belts are strapped, helmets are tightened, and your subconsciously bracing yourself with your hands and feet. . . "


He didn't finish.


"So I don't care weather my body's whole or ash," he emailed that month to one of the friends in Ketchum, "preferably whole, it would just feel nicer if my body was thrown into the sea whole, instead of just the ashes being thrown overboard. . . Thanks."


On June 7, three weeks before he walked off post, Bergdahl emailed Harrison's daughter Kayla.


"if at any point in time, kim gets a call from red cross, or the mill, no matter when, in a week, month, or years . . . Keep her from panic and bad ideas. You know what I do, and ash I am still perfecting, actions may become . . . odd. No red flags. Im good. But plans have begun to form, no time line yet. . . love you! Bowe."


Alarmed, Kayla wrote back: "Exactly what kind of plans are you thinking of?"


"l1nes n0 t g00 d h3rE tell u when 1 ha ve a si coure 1ine about pl/-\ns," Bergdahl wrote back the next day. "There is still time yet for thinking."


"Just don't do anything stupid or pointless," Kayla wrote back.


"you know I plan better then that," Bergdahl wrote back.


In a file titled "If i've died_READ" dated June 8, Bergdahl wrote about the reality of his life as a soldier and the idea of a life as a "storyteller."


"Tomorrow i may be dead. The thoughts that have come to rest in my conscious and subconscious being. . . . These thoughts have placed themselves in my head. In my protection. . . I will try to use what little time this life gives me, to bring their beauty into the world . . . . This is the story teller's life."


On June 14, Bergdahl emailed Kayla again saying that he was "looking at a map of afghan" and asking if he could wire money to her or kim "to protect my money in the bank just in case things go bad."


On June 21, he emailed her again.


"how far will a human go to find their complete freedom. . . " he wrote. "For one's freedom, do they have the right to destroy the world to gain it?"


On June 27, he sent an email to his friends titled "Who is John Galt?," a reference to the hero of Ayn Rand's novel "Atlas Shrugged," about individualism in a dystopian America.


"I will serve no bandit, nor lair, for i know John Galt, and understand . . ." Bergdahl wrote. "This life is too short to serve those who compromise value, and its ethics. i am done compromising."


Three days later, Bergdahl walked off his post.


Several days after that, a box arrived at Harrison's home. It had Bergdahl's handwriting on the label.


Among the things inside was his computer and a Ziploc bag with his blue journal.


"I was freaked out," Harrison recalled. "To me, it meant he did something stupid, or something crazy."



Trainers scramble to ready fledgling Afghan air force


KABUL — For Air Commodore David Cooper, time is running out.


The British Royal Air Force officer has the unenviable task of making the tiny Afghan air force self-sustaining by the end of the year.


“Because we’re unsure about what’s going to happen after 2014 and we can make no assumptions, we have to put as much as we can into this year,” said Cooper, director of air operations for the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan.


The re-establishment of the Afghan air force got a late start in comparison with the country’s army and national police, as the ISAF focused on building the country’s ground capabilities to combat an entrenched Taliban insurgency.


Rebuilding from scratch


Afghanistan’s air force dates to the 1920s, reaching its zenith during the 1980s Soviet occupation with nearly 500 fighter planes, bombers, transport aircraft and helicopter gunships.


In the 1990s, the air force became inactive and its aircraft fell into disuse. The fleet was finally destroyed by U.S. bombing in 2001.


When the corps was reformed, it had to start from scratch.


Now, the ISAF is scrambling to train a core group of pilots, maintenance crews and personnel who can train the next generation without foreign help.


“That level of investment over that amount of time has not been put into the Afghan air force for a whole host of reasons,” Cooper said. “It’s less mature ... and we have to recognize that, but what we can’t do is leave the Afghan air force at the end of 2014 unable to sustain itself.”


Unlike in Iraq, where the U.S. inherited a cadre of experienced pilots to form into a new national force, in Afghanistan international trainers had to start from the beginning in the midst of a war. Although the ISAF’s combat mission is ending in a few months, the war in Afghanistan, now mostly between Afghan forces and insurgents, seems nowhere near over, making a viable air force crucial.


“No one’s ever been asked in history to build an air force while fighting and flying,” said U.S. Air Force Brig. Gen. John Michel, commander of the NATO Air Training Command in Afghanistan.


Many experts are concerned about the ability of the Afghan National Security Forces to stand on their own against an entrenched insurgency, especially if they must do so with meager air support.


Planning, funding gap


Anthony Cordesman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies chided the ISAF for its lack of planning for building the Afghan air force


“There is no indication of how the Afghans could manage air assets effectively, or deal with the problem of civilian casualties,” according to his report, released in April.


President Barack Obama has said all foreign troops will leave Afghanistan by 2016, a timeline that has many in the Afghan air force and across the security services nervous.


Adorning the office of Afghan air force Gen. Mohammad Barat, who commands the Kabul Air Wing, is an aspirational painting. It show Afghan MiG fighter jets downing enemy aircraft in a fierce dogfight. Barat knows those capabilities are years away, and he’s counting on the international community to continue funding the air force for many years.


“The Afghan air force is becoming empowered, but to expand its power it needs money and it needs more time, because to train a pilot takes two to three years,” Barat said.


Transport has been a struggle for the Afghan air force — getting troops to the battlefield and getting the dead and wounded off it in a timely manner. The force has fewer than 60 transport helicopters to serve a fighting force of about 350,000 that has taken heavy casualties while assuming most of the war’s day-to-day fighting.


$600M boondoggle


The casualties of a $600 million plan to build up the Afghan air force’s transport capabilities sit next to Kabul International Airport. There, visible from the airport’s jetways, are 16 perfectly intact twin-propeller C-27J planes, all of which were grounded for good after the U.S. canceled the plane contract because of lack of parts and maintenance.


The C-27Js, purchased in 2008, replaced a fleet of Antonov An-32 tactical transports the Afghans had successfully used.


The scrapping of the fleet was a major setback for an air force that, with the ISAF’s withdrawal, is getting less and less air support from its international allies. Late last year, the Afghan air force acquired two C-130s, a larger four-propeller transport plane, but its pilots must be accompanied by an ISAF mentor in the cockpit.


ISAF officials are leery of discussing the C-27 debacle. “It’s something I’ve been asked not to talk about,” Cooper said.


But Afghan air force officials have plenty to say about the program. They say they were not consulted on the purchase and that the planes should never have been bought in the first place. They have numerous stories of close calls, with fires breaking out midflight, engines going out and planes depressurizing, causing passengers to lose consciousness.


“We were worried the C-27s would eat some of our pilots,” said Afghan air force spokesman Col. Mohammad Bahadur Raeeskheb.


For now, the Afghan air force relies largely on a fleet of 58 Russian Mi17 helicopters and 26 single-engine Cessna 208 planes for most of its transport needs. It hopes to receive two more C-130s in the coming months.


Critics have pointed out that the C-130s are more complex and therefore more expensive to maintain and operate than the C-27Js — which proved more than a match for the Afghans. The C-130s also are four times more expensive to operate than the discarded An-32s.


One thing the Afghan air force is sorely missing is ground-attack capabilities, with just five Russian Mi35 helicopter gunships. Barat, the Kabul Air Wing commander, said the air force relies on the ISAF to pay for maintenance of its five attack helicopters, much of which is carried out in Russia. Still, they can’t keep the five Mi35s in the air because of a lack of spare parts.


Instead of close air support, the ISAF has focused on improving the army’s use of mortars to provide cover for ground troops, knowing that any serious attack capabilities -- let alone fighter jets -- are years away. For now, most air support and surveillance is provided by ISAF, and the potential loss of that has many worried.


“We need someone to keep supporting us,” said Afghan air force Col. Rahmatullah Mirzaye, 46, a long-serving helicopter pilot. “We are not afraid of any situation; we can do our job, but we need continued support.”


Zubair Babakarkhail contributed to this report.


druzin.heath@stripes.com

Twitter: @Druzin_Stripes



Hagel testifies Wednesday on Taliban prisoner swap


WASHINGTON — Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel will face angry lawmakers as he becomes the first Obama administration official to testify publicly about the controversial prisoner swap with the Taliban.


Hagel was scheduled to appear Wednesday before the House Armed Services Committee, which is investigating the deal that secured the end of Army Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl's five-year captivity. In exchange, the U.S. transferred five high-level Afghan Taliban detainees from the U.S. prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to the Gulf emirate of Qatar.


Republicans and some Democrats have sharply criticized the Obama administration for not informing Congress in advance, with some accusing the president of breaking a law requiring 30-day notification of any Guantanamo prisoner release. Other questions center on whether Bergdahl deserted and whether the U.S. gave up too much for his freedom. Members of Congress have cited intelligence suggesting the detainees could return to the battlefield in Afghanistan.


Hagel will explain why the decision to make the trade was "the right one," said Rear Adm. John Kirby, the Pentagon spokesman. The administration had a "very small, fleeting opportunity" to secure Bergdahl's release and grabbed the chance, he said.


Kirby's description of a small window for the agreement meshed with comments by Sen. Dick Durbin, who told reporters Tuesday that the administration finalized the exchange only a day before it took place on May 31. The Senate's No. 2-ranked Democrat also said American officials didn't learn the pickup location for Bergdahl until an hour ahead of time, making the question of advance notification irrelevant.


Critics in Congress weren't convinced. In a bipartisan 33-13 vote, the House Appropriations Committee on Wednesday added a provision to a $570 billion defense spending bill that barred money for the transfer of future detainees from Guantanamo. It also withholds other funds from the Defense Department until Hagel assures lawmakers that notification rules will be respected.


"We don't negotiate with terrorists," House Speaker John Boehner said Tuesday. "We've made America less safe, here and around the world. And we're going to pay for this." Although Boehner and other lawmakers voiced concerns when told more than two years ago about the possibility of the trade, the Ohio Republican told reporters he "was never briefed on any specific negotiation."


Obama is "not going to get away with this one," Republican Rep. Dana Rohrabacher said after a closed-door hearing of the House on Monday. He described the president's attitude as an "arrogant thumbing of his nose" at Congress.


Bergdahl, an Idaho native, had been held captive since 2009. The Taliban officials had been at Guantanamo for more than a decade. Under the deal, they have to remain in Qatar for a year.



Tuesday, June 10, 2014

CIA disciplines 15 officers for harassment


WASHINGTON — When Ilana Sara Greenstein was a CIA case officer working at headquarters a decade ago, she said, a married senior manager who was responsible for her promotions made sexual advances toward her.


She spurned him but didn't dare report the incident, she said in an interview, for fear it would end her career. She went on to a stint in Iraq — where a male officer routinely snapped the bra strap of one of her female colleagues, she said — before she left the agency in 2008. Back then, she said, there was no mention of sexual or other harassment in the training she got to be a covert operative.


These days, the CIA says it has a zero tolerance policy toward workplace harassment. And an agency document obtained by The Associated Press said 15 CIA employees were disciplined for committing sexual, racial or other types of harassment last year. That included a supervisor who was removed from the job after engaging in "bullying, hostile behavior," and an operative who was sent home from an overseas post for inappropriately touching female colleagues, said the document, an internal message to the agency's workforce.


The examples cited in the message, sent several weeks ago in an email by the director of the agency's Office of Equal Employment Opportunity, were meant to show how the CIA is enforcing its strict policy.


But the announcement also shed light on the spy agency's struggles to move past its free-wheeling workplace culture, especially in the National Clandestine Service, the spying arm, which attracts men and women who are willing to lie, cheat and steal for their country.


"The CIA has no tolerance for harassment of any kind and takes every allegation of such activity extremely seriously," agency spokesman Christopher White said in a statement.


In March, CIA Director John Brennan's sent out a workforce message reaffirming the zero-tolerance policy. "Words or actions that harm a colleague and undermine his or her career are more than just unprofessional, painful and wrong — they are illegal and hurt us all," it said. Brennan assured employees that he would not tolerate acts of reprisal against those who complained of harassment.


The agency won't release its employee workplace surveys or details about complaints, on the grounds that such numbers are classified. The CIA takes that position even though the size of its workforce — 21,459 employees in 2013, not counting thousands of contractors — was disclosed in the "black budget" leaked last year by former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden.


The message to employees on harassment, which CIA officials said was the first of its kind, said 15 of 69 complaints in the 12 months ending Sept. 30, 2013, were found to be true.


In response to the memo, CIA officials acknowledged, many employees complained that none of the government employees involved were fired or demoted.


A senior CIA official familiar with harassment policy, whom agency spokesmen would not allow to be quoted by name, said the idea was to deter the behavior, not end the careers of the offenders. An unspecified number of CIA employees have been fired over the years for harassment, said White, the agency spokesman.


The officials declined to name the disciplined employees or describe their jobs. One recent disciplinary action was not included in the examples, officials said: Jonathan Bank, the CIA's director of Iran operations, who was removed from his post at headquarters in March after it was found he created a hostile work environment that caused morale to plummet. He is now assigned to the Pentagon.


Many large organizations grapple with workplace harassment, but the CIA faces some unique challenges. For example, the agency, which trains its case officers to manipulate people and lead secret lives, had for years been a place where trysts between managers and subordinates were common, former CIA officials say. And since most of the agency's business is conducted in secret, there has been almost no public accountability for misconduct by senior officials, as there has been in the military.


Neither the CIA nor its National Clandestine Service has ever been headed by a woman, but CIA officials point out that women now hold four of the top seven jobs in the agency. Avril D. Haines is deputy director, the No. 2 job; Fran P. Moore is director of intelligence, the agency's analytical arm; Meroe Park is executive director, the No. 3 job; and Jeannie Tisinger is director for support.


Female analysts also played a key role in the effort to find Osama bin Laden.



New post allowance rates in Korea hinge on survey results


SEOUL — The State Department is conducting a new survey that will be used to determine post allowance rates in South Korea, following the sudden elimination of the benefit last month based on the results of a previous survey that excluded civilians.


The new Living Pattern Questionnaire is being conducted through June 30, and will include all U.S. government civilian employees, according to U.S. Forces Korea.


A statement posted on the USFK website encouraged all U.S. civilians living in Korea to take part in the survey, saying that, “maximum participation is needed for the results of the [survey] to be considered valid.”


The post allowance rate was unexpectedly eliminated on May 4 after holding steady at 15 percent to 20 percent of disposable income for most of the year.


USFK’s commander, Gen. Curtis Scaparrotti, wrote in a May 16 letter to employees announcing the change that he was making it a priority to address the drop, adding that “I am very concerned about the effect this will have on you and your families.”


The U.S. government announced just weeks later that the post allowance would be restored for Korea-based workers to its pre-May level of 20 percent of disposable income, effective June 1. The change was retroactively applied to the pay periods ending May 17 and 31.


The military and the government have released little information about why the post allowance was cut — and whether the drop was made in error — and then swiftly reinstated, with the State Department saying on its website only that the change was based on an “administrative increase.”


However, a May 24 email from the Army provided by a DOD civilian to Stars and Stripes said the decrease was based on the results of a Retail Price Survey conducted in Seoul.


“The primary reason for the reduction, according to the [State Department], was based on the relatively low price of goods reported for the commissary on post and the results of a Living Pattern Questionnaire that indicated most employees conduct their shopping on post rather than off post,” the email said.


The post allowance cut caused frustration and anger among civilian employees, many of whom would have seen a drop of thousands of dollars annually in their paychecks had the cut remained in place.


Post allowance is given to U.S. civilian employees stationed overseas in a location where the cost of living is substantially higher than in Washington, D.C., allowing foreign-based employees to spend the same portion of their basic compensation for living expenses without seeing a reduction in their living standards.


Employees can access the questionnaire at: http://ift.tt/1kh1P2d.


rowland.ashley@stripes.com



7 years after Iraq shootings, 4 Blackwater guards go on trial


WASHINGTON — After years of delays, four former guards from the security firm Blackwater Worldwide are facing trial in the killings of 14 Iraqi civilians and the wounding of 18 others in bloodshed that inflamed anti-American sentiment around the globe.


Whether the shootings were self-defense or an unprovoked attack, the carnage of Sept. 16, 2007 was seen by critics of the George W. Bush administration as an illustration of a war gone horribly wrong.


A trial in the almost 7-year-old case is scheduled to begin with jury selection on Wednesday, barring last-minute legal developments. Prosecutors plan to call dozens of Iraqis to testify in what the Justice Department says is likely to be the largest group of foreign witnesses ever to travel to the U.S. to participate in a criminal trial.


The violence at the Nisoor Square traffic circle in downtown Baghdad was the darkest episode of contractor violence during the war in Iraq, becoming one more diplomatic disaster in a war that had many. Iraqi officials, who wanted the guards tried in a local court, were outraged.


In the trial, defense lawyers will focus on the guards' state of mind in a city that was a battleground.


Car bombs and insurgents were daily perils for the Blackwater teams. As part of its work with the State Department, Blackwater had a team of 15 intelligence analysts who produced daily threat updates, colored maps of a city riddled with bomb blasts.


"The core disputed issue in this prosecution is self-defense — whether the defendants believed that deadly force was necessary to defend themselves and their teammates from an insurgent attack, and whether that belief was objectively reasonable," lawyers for the guards said in court filings.


Reasonableness shouldn't be judged on "hindsight analysis in a courtroom seven years and thousands of miles removed from the event," the lawyers argue in the filings.


In the aftermath of the shootings, Blackwater Worldwide provided the government with photos of the guards' vehicles pocked and streaked with bullet marks.


On Capitol Hill, one theme in politically tinged congressional hearings was that hiring large numbers of security guards, and letting them operate outside the military chain of command in a war zone, was a recipe for disaster.


Blackwater founder Erik Prince declared: "I believe we acted appropriately at all times." The Nisoor Square shootings spelled the death knell for his company. Formerly known as Blackwater Worldwide, the company is under new ownership and Prince is no longer affiliated with it. The company was sold to a group of investors who changed the name to Academi.


The very presence of security guards in Iraq is touchy. Lawyers for the guards had asked that current or former members of the military not wear uniforms when they testify in the case, a request the court denied. The guards' lawyers argued that distinctions between contractors and uniformed military had become highly politicized.


In 2009, U.S. District Judge Ricardo Urbina dismissed the case against the Blackwater guards. From the Iraqi government's perspective, the dismissal was an example of Americans acting above the law. Urbina said government lawyers ignored the advice of senior Justice Department officials by building the criminal case on sworn statements of the guards given under a grant of immunity — meaning the guards' own statements could not be used against them.


Two years later, a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit revived the prosecution, ruling that Urbina had wrongly interpreted the law. The decision gave the Justice Department another chance.


In the upcoming trial, one of the guards, Nicholas Slatten, is charged with first-degree murder. The other three guards — Paul Slough, Evan Liberty and Dustin Heard — are charged with voluntary manslaughter, attempted manslaughter and gun charges. Slatten could be sentenced to life in prison if convicted, while the other guards face a mandatory minimum penalty of 30 years in prison if a defendant is convicted of the gun charge and at least one other charge.



Monday, June 9, 2014

Westboro Baptist Church brings anti-gay message to the Pentagon


WASHINGTON — Members of the Westboro Baptist Church, known for protesting at military funerals, came to the Pentagon on Monday to spread their anti-gay message.


“We’re here today because the Pentagon is a symbol of this nation’s military, and they have actively chosen to make the so-called gay lifestyle an acceptable way of living,” said Katherine Hockenbarger, one of its members. “This nation fights to shove down the rest of this world’s throat the fact that they say it’s OK to be gay. And it’s not OK to be gay. Same-sex marriage is a nation-dooming event. And this nation will soon be destroyed. So we’re here at the Pentagon where the military is because we’ve got to tell you about it. We’ve got a job to warn you.”


Based in Topeka, Kan., the church identifies itself on its website — GodHatesFags.com — as “an Old School (or, Primitive) Baptist Church.” It holds demonstrations throughout the country protesting the gay-rights movement, and what it describes as “the homosexual lifestyle of soul-damning, nation-destroying filth.”


The group claims to have conducted more than 52,000 demonstrations since 1991, including at more than 400 military funerals for servicemembers who died in Iraq and Afghanistan. WBC believes their deaths are the result of divine wrath for Americans’ acceptance of gay people. The church describes fallen U.S. servicemembers as people “whom God has killed in Iraq/Afghanistan in righteous judgment against an evil nation.”


Hockenbarger keyed on the DOD’s annual Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Pride Month Ceremony. The most recent one took place last week at the Pentagon, and Deputy Secretary of Defense Robert Work delivered the keynote speech.


“Our nation’s military has a fag festival every single year,” she said with disgust.


One of WBC’s most notorious protests occurred in 2006, when members appeared outside the Westminster, Md., funeral for Lance Cpl. Matthew Snyder, who was killed in Anbar province, Iraq. They held banners that read: “Thank God for dead soldiers,” “Thank God for IEDs” and “God hates fags.”


Snyder was not believed to be gay, and WBC did not claim that he was. Snyder’s father sued the group for harassment and inflicting emotional distress. But the U.S. Supreme Court, in an 8-1 ruling, declared that WBC’s actions were protected as free speech under the Constitution.


WBC is a small group, with a congregation largely made up of the extended family of its founder, Fred Phelps, who died in March. Hockenbarger, 33, who lives in Topeka, said there are about 50 members of the church. Hockenbarger said she is not related to Phelps.


There were about a dozen protesters in front of the Pentagon on Monday, including teens and children.


harper.jon@stripes.com

Twitter: @JHarperStripes



Returned photos reveal a father never known, 50-year-old promise kept


CAMP FOSTER, Okinawa — Army Pfc. Pierre Mathieu Van Wissem went to Vietnam in 1965, and part of him never came home.


After being wounded and deserting from a hospital in Germany, he went on to marry, become a father, divorce and run several businesses in Europe before quietly passing away in France in 2003. His children loved him but thought he was constantly fending off an ever-present shadow from the war.


More than 10 years after his death, they learned new things about his life — thanks to a tenacious elderly Okinawan man.


Van Wissem was stationed in Okinawa, and when he went off to fight in Vietnam, he left behind a treasure trove of photographs, letters and postcards that reveal happier times, before the war.


His children were reunited with the items this month, thanks to Seikichi Tamanaha and his four-decade-old promise to the man who would become their father. Tamanaha never gave up hope of finding Van Wissem or his family to return the items.


The 81-year-old Tamanaha still wears Van Wissem’s faded green military jacket when he does yard work at his home in Ginowan.


“Who would save something for such a long period of time for a stranger?” said Van Wissem’s daughter, Chantal Dortants-Van Wissem, from her home in the Netherlands. “It’s amazing.”


‘It’s history’


It has been almost 50 years since the balmy day when Van Wissem stopped by Tamanaha’s yard with a favor to ask. The quiet and mild-mannered soldier with the “gentle look on his face” had never spoken with his landlord — and they would never speak again — but that fleeting moment forever linked the two men.


“He asked me to keep two boxes that contained his belongings while he was away,” Tamanaha said recently. “He promised me he’d be back in three months. I had a feeling that he had gone to war.”


It was April 1965 when Van Wissem, then a member of 1st Battalion, 503rd Infantry Regiment, 173d Airborne Brigade, left Okinawa, according to military records and the 1964 1/503rd Yearbook. The records don’t say where he was headed, and there is gap of a couple of months in his service record.


The U.S. had just officially entered into the war with Vietnam with the Tonkin Gulf Resolution a few months earlier. Japan was quickly becoming a launch pad for forces heading to southeast Asia.


Members of the 1/503rd at the time recalled advanced parties being flown into Vietnam on May 4 and the rest of the brigade deploying the next day.


The 1/503rd deployed to Vung Tau, and the rest of the brigade deployed to Bien Hoa, according to Craig Ford of 1/503rd’s Charlie Company. It took several days to fly everyone in. Some of the support troops traveled by boat.


Ford said that they were on temporary duty of 90-120 days, which could be why Van Wissem thought he would be returning to Okinawa. But the unit was permanently reassigned to Vietnam.


After Van Wissem left Okinawa, Tamanaha went to the home down the street from his own that he had rented to Van Wissem and several other American soldiers. There, in Van Wissem’s meticulous room, he found two boxes, each about 5 feet long, 2 feet wide and 2 feet tall. They were tightly covered and nailed shut.


Tamanaha lugged the boxes to his home and put them deep in his closet for safe keeping, never telling his family about them, he said. Then he watched as days turned into months, and months turned into years.


“After he left Okinawa, I was told that he was with a parachute squadron and that not many troops survived,” Tamanaha said. “So I have been wondering all these years.”


After about six years, Tamanaha told the housing agent for his apartment about the boxes. Curiosity got the better of the two men, and they decided to take a peek.


Inside, they found a military uniform and jacket, a sleeping bag, a half-dozen surgical scissors, safety pins, neatly wrapped razor blades, as well as a bundle of photographs, negatives and letters.


It was the little things that had endeared Van Wissem to his Japanese landlord even though they barely knew each other. There was something about the gentle nature of his face, his sincerity and the meticulous way he cleaned his room before he left and stored his belongings.


“We hardly talked, but my impression about him is proven, I think, in the way he kept his personal belongings in the boxes,” he said. “I could tell he was a thorough and conscientious person.”


Sensing Van Wissem might not come back, Tamanaha gave away some of the clothing, the sleeping bag and other items but could not bring himself to dispose of the photos and letters.


“I decided to keep them for him because I know how much they meant to him,” he said. “All these years, I had some hope that he would come back one of these days to pick them up.”


Hope faded with each passing year, especially the last 10, Tamanaha said. Holding these precious items weighed on him, until he finally decided to enlist some help.


A few years ago, the silver-haired Japanese grandfather passed the photos to his daughter, Naoko, who passed them to her friend, Meiko Simmons, hoping that her Marine husband, retired Staff Sgt. Mark Simmons, could help track down Van Wissem. Naoko said the photos and letters seemed like unfinished homework to her father.


Simmons retired from the Corps after 22 years in 1993 but lived and worked on Okinawa off and on from about 1972 to 2006 and lives today at Sasebo Naval Base, where he works in the environmental department. Wherever Simmons went, the photos and letters went with him.


“It’s history; it’s the past; if it were me, I’d want them back,” Simmons said of the letters. Tamanaha “thought because I was in the service, I could track him down and give him his stuff back ... I thought it would be an interesting project.”


A father, revealed


The piles of letters are mostly from young women from around the world as well as from Van Wissem’s family in Maastricht, the Netherlands. They depict a charmer who could be brash sometimes and displayed a temper but loved women, a good drink and steak dinners. He joined the military in 1963 because he had gone to Canada and then to America in search of good-paying jobs.


“I want you to know that I will never forget you, especially when I look at my ring that you gave me,” wrote a woman from Montreal. “Give my regards to your buddies and say that you also have a girl waiting for you on the other side of the ocean,” wrote another from Sweden.


The photos were taken all over the world, from France to Montreal to Atlanta.


Simmons paid for online services that track people down, but too many names came up. He tried to get Van Wissem’s military records but hit another wall.


“I didn’t think it would be as difficult as it was,” he said. “I just kept running into dead ends, so I just gave up.”


That’s when National Personnel Records Center management analyst Niels Zussblatt got involved and delivered bad news: He found a Dutch obituary online for Van Wissem, who died in 2003. However, he also found a lead on Van Wissem’s children, living in the Netherlands. “It was sad to learn that he had already gone, but yet I was very happy to hear that he was survived by his children,” Tamanaha said. “He survived the war, went home and had his own family. Learning about this made me very happy.”


To Van Wissem’s children — daughter Dortants-Van Wissem and son Janneau Van Wissem — their father had always been an enigma. He lived in the Netherlands most of his life and was a successful businessman. But he never talked about his past and was often emotionally disconnected. Although he always put his children first, he suffered bouts of depression and rage.


From what they have put together from things he left behind, letters from the Defense Department and hints he dropped over the years, they think he went to Vietnam but was wounded soon after arriving. While recovering in Germany, he deserted.


The war was a cloud that followed him for the rest of his life.


“It left a mark on his soul,” Janneau said.


“His decisions afterward were always influenced by what he saw or did in Vietnam, we think,” Chantal Dortants-Van Wissem said. “He never told us. Mother always told us that is why he was depressed.”


The letters showed that he wasn’t always “grumpy.”


At one time, he was that young, sincere, soldier with the gentle face, mugging for the camera next to a beautiful woman.


After helping the Van Wissem children to better understand their father more than 10 years after his death, from halfway around the world, Tamanaha’s work is done.


“I am overwhelmed to think that the letters and items that he treasured will soon reach the hands of his children, He was overwhelmed to think that the treasured letters and items had finally reached his children -- “the right place where the items and his thoughts belong,” he said,


“I feel like I had a longtime weight finally lifted off my chest.”


burke.matt@stripes.com


sumida.chiyomi@stripes.com



Soldier's widow stirs up career after return to college


SPARTANBURG, S.C. — Just call Spartanburg Community College graduate Lindsay Posey the iron-willed chef.


After years of putting off college to raise her daughters and move with her husband, Bryan, as he was transferred to new posts with the Army, Posey was forced by necessity to revamp her life in 2012.


Bryan was injured while the young family lived in Utah, and died after several surgeries. Posey, now 28, found herself a widow at age 26, with two toddler-age daughters.


She had been a stay-at-home mom and a housewife and hadn’t worked in four years. No one wanted to hire her because she didn’t have a degree or recent work experience. Her husband’s veteran benefits would take a year to process, and Posey was broke.


Posey had begun nursing school while she was married, but lost class credits after moving for Bryan’s Army assignments. Her education was pushed to the back burner because of moves and the births her daughters, Addyson, now 5, and Jordynn, 4.


After Bryan died, Posey moved back to the Upstate, to be closer to her family in Chesnee. She enrolled at Spartanburg Community College full time and discovered her passion in the culinary arts program.


“I want my own bakery,” Posey says, with a smile. She earned her degree in culinary arts from SCC this semester and plans to attend the University of South Carolina Upstate as a business major.


Posey said she spent a lot of time at home with her daughters during her marriage, and began making her own baby food and breads to fill her time.


“Then I realized that I actually liked it,” she said. “I was better at cooking, but I had a passion for baking. Baking is a lot more technical than I thought. You have to learn the molecular chemistry of it.”


Posey qualified for assistance from SCC, being a single parent with a low income and majoring in a male-dominated field. The college provided child care for her daughters so she could attend classes full time. She found a nurturing environment in the culinary arts program.


“I liked all the faculty,” Posey said. “You become really close, like a family.”


Dawn Larrieu, director of the culinary arts program, jokingly says she looked for a way to fail Posey so she couldn’t graduate. She hopes Posey will return to SCC to teach in the department once she earns a few “war stories” in her field.


“I really don’t want her to leave,” Larrieu said. “She’s been a model student from Day One. She represents so much of our student population. I’m going to miss her, and I’d have her back in a heartbeat.”


As a student, Posey made birthday cakes and decorated them for extra money. She also has enjoyed creating baked treats such as tarts recently, and adding special touches like lavender, hibiscus and roses. She’d like to start a bakery that specializes in healthier breads and baked goods.


Larrieu’s degree is in nutrition, and her knowledge sparked Posey’s interest in medicinal herbs and healthier breads.


“Do you remember when we put the beets in the brownies?” Larrieu asked Posey, referring to a class assignment. For another, students had to make specialty pizzas and Posey created a bacon and pineapple Hawaiian-style pie she called the Pig Kahuna. Larrieu also assigned her students gluten-free challenges, which Posey said she gladly accepted.


“She was like everyone’s mother,” said Posey of Larrieu. “She’s always helping people get jobs.”


Because of her success and will to succeed, Posey found herself the poster child of SCC’s culinary arts program, and her face went up on billboards in Spartanburg County. She’s hopeful for her future now.


“No one wanted to hire me because I hadn’t worked in 4 years,” she said. “Now it’s been 6 years, but I have a degree. I know it’s a cliche, but it’s never too late to go back to school.”


SCC officials asked her to wear veterans’ tassels during graduation earlier this month, in honor of her husband. She added those to her Phi Beta Kappa honor society sash.


On a more personal note, Posey said she’s healing after the death of her husband and has started dating again, although it was very hard at first. She believes Bryan would be proud of her accomplishments.


“I think he would definitely be happy,” Posey said, with a smile.



Meet the Marines' newest mascot: Wiggly, wrinkly Pvt. Smedley Butler


MARINE CORPS RECRUIT DEPOT SAN DIEGO — Like many Marine recruits, Pvt. Smedley Butler hasn’t quite grown into his feet, his drill technique could use work, and he eats whatever is put in front of him.


But Smedley is likely the only private who has to be stopped from chewing on shoelaces.


The wiggly, wrinkly, extroverted 14-week-old English bulldog puppy will be the recruit depot’s newest mascot — as soon as he finishes his training.


Smedley, named after the Marine general who first introduced English bulldogs as Marine mascots in the 1920s, was bred in Escondido, Calif., and lives in the barracks with his handler, Cpl. Tyler Viglione. One of Smedley’s brothers is the mascot at Georgetown University.


Viglione, who works in the public affairs office, cared for the previous mascot, Belleau Wood, for nearly a year before the dog “decided not to reenlist.”


Belleau now lives with a Marine family in Temecula, Calif., Viglione and Maj. Neil Ruggiero said.


For now, Viglione is taking Smedley to training and practicing basic tasks at home. Eventually, the Marines hope to teach the Devil Pup to salute, and he’ll be fitted with uniforms at the same tailoring shop that alters uniforms for the new recruits.


Once he graduates from recruit training and becomes a private first class, Smedley will perform at weekly graduation ceremonies and also attend recruiting and community relations events like Padres and Chargers games and adopt-a-school events. He’ll be one of three official mascots in the Corps: Chesty XIV serves as mascot at Marine Barracks Washington and Legend serves at Marine Corps Recruit Depot Parris Island, in South Carolina.


But Ruggiero and Viglione don’t want to rush the pup: Whenever he’s ready, he’s ready, they said.


Belleau served as the recruit depot’s mascot for about five years, earning the rank of corporal. Smedley has only been at the depot for about a month, but is progressing well — despite a bit of slobbering and a few bathroom-related accidents.


Viglione’s family had several dogs when he was growing up, he said, including an American bulldog. He first met Smedley when he was two weeks old, and went to visit the dog every week until he was old enough to move to San Diego.


But having a puppy in the barracks is “a bit of a learning experience for both of us,” he said.


Smedley has gained almost 15 pounds in a matter of weeks and is expected to grow to about 75 pounds. He “works” in the public affairs office during the day, where he likes to sit in an empty row of a metal bookshelf or take naps in his crate. Marines and civilians from all over the depot come visit and play with him, Viglione said, and he elicited smiles and belly rubs from everyone he passed Wednesday afternoon on a short walk for a photo shoot.


The pudgy private has also proved popular on social media: His personal instagram feed, @mcrdsd_mascot, has only 10 photos so far, but nearly 600 followers.


hlad.jennifer@stripes.com

Twitter: @jhlad