Saturday, January 3, 2015

Decorated WWII flier laid to rest in Alabama


(Tribune News Service) — Army Air Force Maj. Peyton S. Mathis Jr. was laid to rest in his hometown Saturday, a journey that took 70 years and 7,938 miles to complete.


Mathis, 28, and commanding officer of the 44th Fighter Squadron, died June 5, 1944, when the P-38J Lightning he was piloting crashed in the jungle on Guadalcanal, said Army Sgt. 1st Class Shelia L. Cooper, assigned to public affairs of the Defense POW/Missing Personnel Office in Arlington, Virginia.


Crews found the crash site that day but were unable to recover his remains because the airplane was in a dense swampy area, she said. In 2013, the plane was found, along with the remains, said Lt. Col. Melinda F. Morgan, USAF, of the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command (JPAC) at Pearl Harbor.


Mathis was buried Saturday afternoon, with full military honors, at Greenwood Cemetery.


"Welcome home," said Father John Coleman, who officiated at the graveside service. "Those are the first words that come to mind. We all today want to say 'Welcome home Maj. Mathis.' But for those in Christ, they are always home wherever they go. So for all these years, Maj. Mathis has sat at that heavenly banquet."


Coleman described Mathis as a husband, soldier, scholar, gentleman and '..a true American hero."


"Well done, thou good and faithful servant," Coleman said, wrapping up the service. "And on this day, may your soul rest in peace."


The keening of a bagpipe and the mournful sounds of "Taps" wafted across the fog shrouded cemetery as honors were rendered by an Army honor guard. About 100 people attended the service. Many mourners jumped at the firing of the traditional rifle salute.


On that day so long ago, Maj. Mathis was leading a bombing mission against Japanese gun positions in the Shortland/Poporang area of the northern Solomon Islands chain, Cooper said. The P-38 is a twin-engine fighter. He developed problems with his right engine during the mission, which was later scrubbed because of weather conditions over the target, Cooper said.


While returning to Kukum Airfield on Guadalcanal, Maj. Mathis low on fuel, circled the airfield while the other pilots in his squadron landed. He crashed in the jungle. The military attempted to recover his remains for several years, before declaring on Feb. 13, 1949 that his body was unrecoverable.


"He's home," said Peyton S, Mathis III, wiping away tears after the service. He is Maj. Mathis' nephew and namesake. The younger Mathis' father and Maj. Mathis were half-brothers. Born in 1949, Mathis never knew his uncle.


"The service was wonderful, it went off without a hitch," Mathis said. There was never any doubt among the family as to what happened to Maj. Mathis. "I don't like to use the word 'closure' but this brings an end to the story. I'm so thankful we were able to bring him home."


The story of the finding of the aircraft, almost seven decades later is fascinating in its own right. Anders Markwarth,an Australian living on Guadalcanal, searched for the aircraft in an effort to salvage it, Mathis said.


"We owe him a great deal," Mathis said. "He found the airplane, and when he discovered that there were indeed remains present, he stopped his efforts. He contacted the authorities, and that's how JPAC got involved."


Maj. Mathis graduated from Sidney Lanier High School in 1932, his obituary reads. He earned a degree in chemical engineering from Vanderbilt University, where he played football. He volunteered as an aviation cadet in 1940. As a lieutenant, he was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross and Silver Star for his service in Europe and North Africa. He was later promoted to major and commanded the 44th Fighter Squadron in the Pacific Theater.


———


©2015 the Montgomery Advertiser (Montgomery, Ala.)



British photojournalist held captive by Islamic State gives optimistic video tour of Mosul



(Tribune News Service) — A video released Saturday shows a British photojournalist held captive by Islamic State giving a stylized media tour of the beleaguered northern Iraqi city of Mosul, visiting a market, a hospital and even climbing onto a police motorcycle to dispute reports that the city’s infrastructure has been crippled.


The video provides a window on a city that has largely been off-limits to journalists since Islamic State seized control in June, although reports have trickled out from residents and those who have escaped.


“The media likes to paint a picture of life in the Islamic State as depressed, people walking around as subjugated citizens in chains, beaten down by strict, totalitarian rule,” hostage John Cantlie says as he appears to be driving to the souk, or market.


“This isn’t a city living in fear, as the Western media would have you believe. This is just a normal city going about its daily business.”


The video, which lasts slightly more than eight minutes, is one of a series in which Cantlie, 43, has faulted Western governments while praising Islamic State and their new “caliphate.” Its authenticity was still being examined late Saturday. It was not immediately clear under what circumstances he made the video.


The date of the recording could not be independently verified, but Cantlie references news reports from autumn and notes the “sunny December weather.”


In the video, Cantlie stops at the market, which he describes as “bustling.” He notes that the city’s merchants, contrary to news reports, have more than a few hours of electricity a day.


Later in the video, Cantlie visits a hospital where he says children are being treated for “psychiatric problems as a direct result of bombs and explosions falling from above,” a reference to U.S.-led airstrikes.


“We’re told that just two days ago an ambulance was hit by a bomb or a missile that fell from an aircraft,” Cantlie says, standing in the hospital. “Despite these things the doctors are getting what they need and the Islamic State is prevailing. They can take it.”


Moments later, Cantlie appears standing outside as a plane passes overhead, shouting and apparently mocking Western powers.


“Here! Here! Over here! You’ve come to rescue me again? Do something! Useless! Absolutely useless!” he shouts, waving his arms.


Cantlie, who has been held for two years, appears healthier and cleaner shaven than in the last video, wearing blue jeans and a Western winter coat instead of the black shirt and trousers from the last video, an outfit that replaced the orange U.S.-style prison jumpsuit that he and other hostages had been forced to wear in earlier videos.


His previous propaganda video made in the Syrian border town of Kobani appears at the end of the latest video, playing on a screen behind Cantlie as he stands outside.


“It just goes to show the stretch of territory the Islamic State holds all the way from Kobani — and there I am in the background — to all the way here in Mosul — and here I am on the streets,” Cantlie says.


“That was me then and this is me now. It just shows how much territory the Islamic State are controlling.”


———


©2015 Los Angeles Times



Friday, January 2, 2015

AirAsia wreckage searchers find 2 large objects on sea floor


JAKARTA, Indonesia — Indonesian officials were hopeful Saturday they were honing in on the wreckage of AirAsia Flight 8501 after sonar equipment detected two large objects on the ocean floor, one week after the plane went down in stormy weather.


Teams equipped with a remote-operated vehicle were battling high waves and strong currents as they tried to capture images of the find for confirmation, said Henry Bambang Soelistyo, chief of the National Search and Rescue Agency.


The objects were detected early Friday by an Indonesian navy ship, and by midnight, searchers had zoomed in with a Geological Survey ship to take dimensions.


One was measured at 31 feet by 15 feet and 20 inches high, Soelistyo told a news conference. The second, found nearby, was 24 feet by 20 inches.


"I'm confident this is part of the AirAsia plane," Soelistyo told reporters.


The Airbus A320 carrying 162 passengers and crew crashed last Sunday, halfway into a two-hour flight from Surabaya, Indonesia's second-largest city, to Singapore. Minutes before losing contact, the pilot told air traffic control he was approaching threatening clouds, but was denied permission to climb to a higher altitude because of heavy air traffic.


It remains unclear what caused the plane to plunge into the Java Sea.


Indonesian authorities on Friday grounded AirAsia flights from Surabaya to Singapore, with the Transport Ministry saying the airline did not have a permit to fly on Sundays, the day of the crash. AirAsia, which began operations in 2001, quickly becoming one of the region's most popular low-cost carriers, said it was reviewing the suspension.


Rough weather has hampered recovery efforts, with 30 corpses recovered so far, many of them by the U.S. Navy ship USS Sampson.


Vessels involved in the hunt included at least eight sophisticated navy ships from Singapore, Russia, Malaysia and the U.S. equipped with sonars for scouring the seabed to pinpoint wreckage and the all-important black boxes.


"Many of passengers believed to be still trapped inside the plane's fuselage and could be discovered soon," Supriyadi said, "God willing, we would complete this operation next week."


Associated Press writers Niniek Karmini, Ali Kotarumalos and Robin McDowell in Jakarta and Eileen Ng in Surabaya, Indonesia, contributed to this report.



Commanding lead: She's ranked No. 2 at mostly-male Citadel military academy


PLAINFIELD, Ill. (Tribune Content Agency) — When she was touring colleges during spring break of her junior year at Plainfield South High School, Savannah Emmrich checked out the grounds of The Citadel, a storied military college in Charleston, S.C.


“When I showed up at The Citadel and got on the campus and saw the uniforms and the knobs double-timing, and the dress parade they had on Friday, I was so impressed,” the 21-year-old said. “I knew that was where I wanted to go.”


Emmrich learned quickly that “knobs” is slang for freshmen cadets, “double-timing” is a marching pace and “dress parade” is a parade in full military uniform.


As she gets ready to graduate from The Citadel this spring, Emmrich has not only immersed herself in the school’s military culture while earning a bachelor’s degree in criminal justice, she has risen to the top of the cadet ranks. She currently holds the No. 2 position among the 2,300 cadets in the school’s regiment, which is essentially the military version of a civilian college’s student body.


Emmrich is second in command of the cadet unit that operates like a unit in the military, and school officials say she is one of a few female cadets who has held the position.


This command position means she helps lead the cadets in their morning workouts, conducts inspections, meets with lower-level cadet commanders and leads them in formation to meals. Along with those duties, she still has to handle her own class load.


After graduation, Emmrich, who received a track-and-field scholarship to attend the school, is slated to be commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Air Force. She will train to be a combat systems officer, also known as an aviator, or “the job Goose does” in the movie “Top Gun,” she said.


Life at The Citadel and America’s other military colleges is one that stands in stark contrast to the beer bong-hoisting, class-skipping lives of many undergrads at civilian institutions of higher learning.


“It’s very different than a normal college lifestyle,” she said. “We have a training schedule, and it tells us what to do 24 hours every single day. You’re expected to follow it to a T and be on time for everything.”


Emmrich’s day starts at 5 a.m. and continues on, each hour spoken for with rare exceptions, until she hits the hay.


It can be demanding, she admitted, but also fulfilling.


Back home over Christmas break, Emmrich said she sometimes isn’t sure what to do with this sudden uptick in free time.


“When I got to the school, I realized how much I enjoy a regimented lifestyle,” she said. “It was a good fit.”


When she is not immersed in studies or student leadership obligations, Emmrich is one of The Citadel’s star athletes.


She holds the school’s pole vaulting record and competes in other track events.


Still, Emmrich remains one of just 160 women among the 2,300 cadets.


The Citadel only began allowing women back in the 1990s, according to retired Navy Capt. Lory Manning, now the head of the women in the military project at the Women’s Research and Education Institute.


The Citadel was a “really hard case” when it came to gender integration, Manning said.


But as women have proved they can serve in previously male-only military jobs in the post-9/11 wars, those against such integration have largely “gotten over the shock,” Manning said.


“I think it’s marvelous,” Manning said of Emmrich’s accomplishments. “There are people who will pooh-pooh it and say she had it easy. Usually it’s the opposite. She has to be better, brighter, smarter and more physically fit than the guys who had to fill that position before her.”


Kimberly Keelor, a spokeswoman at The Citadel, said one of the challenges of increasing the female population is that so few women are interested in a military college environment.


Fewer than 800 women enrolled at one of the six major military colleges this past fall, she said, and the competition to recruit them is considerable.


Emmrich said “standing your own ground is huge at The Citadel,” and that she’d encourage any woman in her shoes to apply.


“Every year it gets better with the acceptance of females,” she said. “There really hasn’t been any big issues like it was in the beginning. You definitely have pride, and girls do stick together. It’s still different being a girl at The Citadel.”


Being a cadet in general at The Citadel is a taxing undertaking, said retired Marine Corps Lt. Col. Charles Graham, an adviser to the cadet regiment’s chain of command who has known Emmrich since she was a knob.


“It’s even tougher when you’re a female,” he said, “and it’s even tougher when you’re a female athlete.”


Emmrich has been put in a position to succeed academically and athletically at the school, Graham said, “and she excelled in everything she did.”


“Some congratulations are in order for her parents and her teachers and her coaches back in Illinois,” he said. “Because when she walked through our gates here, it was obvious she was something special.”


©2014 Chicago Tribune. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC



Chief of naval personnel: Navy should expand sabbatical program


NORFOLK, Va. (Tribune Content Agency) — Thousands of sailors get out of the Navy every year because they want to start a family. Or to enroll in school. Or because they are burned out on frequent deployments and months away from home.


With the national unemployment rate dropping and more servicemembers leaving for the private sector, the chief of naval personnel says he wants to do everything he can to keep the best sailors in uniform longer — even if that means letting them go for a while.


“We need to offer meaningful incentives to keep the best talent we can, both men and women,” said Vice Adm. Bill Moran, whose job is best summarized as the Navy’s director of human resources.


One way to keep the best, Moran says: Let servicemembers take a sabbatical from service.


He believes sailors should be allowed to leave the Navy for a few years — to have kids, go back to college, travel or just take a break — then return to service at the same rank and on the same career path.


The Navy already offers a program that does just that. But the Career Intermission Pilot Program, authorized by Congress in 2009, is limited to 40 sailors per year. And because of complicated restrictions on who can participate, many of the sailors who most desire a break are excluded.


An example: Sailors trained to work on nuclear reactors leave the service at high rates, in part because of a demanding work schedule, but because they receive a special re-enlistment bonus, they are often ineligible for the sabbatical.


The Navy was initially the only service branch to launch a career intermission program. The Air Force, Army and Marine Corps are each in the process of implementing their own pilot programs.


Moran plans to ask Congress for authority to expand the program and open it up to more sailors, regardless of their years of service or job description.


He acknowledges that so far, there hasn’t been a groundswell of interest. Only about 40 sailors — sometimes fewer — have applied each year for the program, which grants servicemembers up to three years off. Moran thinks sailors are hesitant to risk their careers on a pilot program, another reason he hopes to make it permanent.


The gamble paid off for Capt. Valerie Overstreet, an E-2C Hawkeye pilot. She entered the program in 2010 after becoming the first woman to command a Hawkeye squadron.


The one-year break allowed Overstreet to align her career path with that of her husband, another naval aviator. For years, they lived apart while stationed at different locations.


During the time off, the couple had their first child, something that seemed unlikely while stationed on opposite coasts. That’s a common predicament, according to Navy surveys. Women leave the service at a rate twice that of men, and the desire to start a family is the most reported reason, Moran said.


Overstreet had the baby, returned to service with new orders that allowed her to live full time with her husband and was soon promoted to captain. “It was fantastic,” Overstreet said of the program.


Most of the enlisted sailors who have taken advantage of the pilot program have used the time off, along with the G.I. Bill, to get a degree. Several have since returned and were commissioned as officers.


Two years ago, a SEAL officer took the sabbatical to get a break after years of constant combat deployments and to pursue a degree. He didn’t want to get out of the Navy — he just wanted some time off to recharge, learn something new and spend time with his wife and young children.


Those are the sorts of people Moran said he’s trying to keep.


©2015 The (Norfolk) Virginian-Pilot. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.



100 soldiers begin Ebola quarantine at Lewis-McChord


47 minutes ago












Servicemembers deployed in support of Operation United Assistance line up to go through customs Jan. 1, 2015, at an airport outside of Monrovia, Liberia, prior to boarding their flight back to the United States. Troops will go through 21 days of controlled monitoring at Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Wash.; Joint Base Eustis-Langley, Va.; Fort Hood, Texas; or Fort Bliss, Texas.






(Tribune Content Agency) — A group of 100 soldiers returning to the states from an Ebola-response mission in West Africa arrived at Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Wash., on Friday to begin a mandatory quarantine.


The soldiers belong to the 615th Engineer Company, which is based at Fort Carson, Colo. None has shown any symptoms of contracting the Ebola virus, the Army said.


The group spent the past two months in Liberia improving roads so that Liberians and visiting aid workers can have better access to new Ebola treatment facilities, said Sgt. 1st Class Justin Puetz of JBLM’s 593rd Expeditionary Sustainment Command.


The soldiers departed Liberia on Jan. 1.


Lewis-McChord is one of five domestic military installations that is equipped to house troops returning from Ebola-response assignments in Liberia and Senegal. The base has the capacity to host about 1,000 troops in barracks that most recently were used for ROTC cadets.


The Defense Department requires troops who spend extended periods of time in West Africa to be quarantined when they return home during the virus’ 21-day incubation period.


About 3,000 soldiers started deploying to West Africa in October as the Pentagon sought to build up treatment facilities to stem the deadly virus. The World Health Organization on Friday reported that Ebola killed more than 8,000 West Africans in 2014.


JBLM in November hosted a smaller group of 15 military servicemembers returning from Ebola-related deployments.


The quarantine program is separate from the monitoring of JBLM Air Force personnel who have flown short missions to West Africa. These airmen tend to spend less than a day on the ground and don’t interact with Ebola patients. They are asked to watch themselves for symptoms, but they’re not quarantined and can continue to work their military and civilian jobs.


©2015 The (Tacoma, Wash.) News Tribune. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.




Iran, 6 powers move closer to nuclear talks deal, officials say


VIENNA — Iran and the United States have tentatively agreed on a formula that Washington hopes will reduce Tehran's ability to make nuclear arms by committing it to ship to Russia much of the material needed for such weapons, diplomats say.


In another sign of progress, the two diplomats told The Associated Press that negotiators at the December round of nuclear talks drew up for the first time a catalog outlining areas of potential accord and differing approaches to remaining disputes.


The diplomats said differences still dominate ahead of the next round of Iran-six power talks on Jan. 15 in Geneva. But they suggested that even agreement to create a to-do list would have been difficult previously because of wide gaps between the sides.


Iran denies it wants nuclear arms, but it is negotiating with the U.S., Russia, China, Britain, France and Germany on cuts to its atomic program in hope of ending crippling sanctions. The talks have been extended twice due to stubborn disagreements.


The main conflict is over uranium enrichment, which can create both reactor fuel and the fissile core of nuclear arms. In seeking to reduce Iran's bomb-making ability, the U.S. has proposed that Tehran export much of its stockpile of enriched uranium — something the Islamic Republic has long said it would not do.


The diplomats said both sides in the talks are still arguing about how much of an enriched uranium stockpile to leave Iran. It now has enough for several bombs, and Washington wants substantial cuts below that level.


But the diplomats said the newly created catalog lists shipping out much of the material as tentatively agreed upon. The diplomats, who are familiar with the talks, spoke to the AP recently and demanded anonymity because they are not authorized to comment on the closed negotiations.


Issues that still need agreement, they said, include the size of Iran's future enrichment output. The U.S. insists that it be cut in half, leaving Tehran with about 4,500 present day centrifuges used to enrich uranium, or less if it replaces them with advanced models. Tehran is ready for a reduction of only around 20 percent, or approximately 8,000 of the machines, according to the diplomats.


Two other unresolved issues are Iran's Fordo underground enrichment site and the nearly built Arak nuclear reactor. The U.S. and its five allies in the talks want to repurpose Fordo to a non-enrichment function because it is thought impervious to a military attack from the air. The six also seek to re-engineer Arak from a model that produces enough plutonium for several nuclear weapons a year to a less proliferation-prone model.


Negotiators hope to reach a rough deal by March and a final agreement by June 30.



Putin, Russia confront a new, unstable reality


MOSCOW — A year ago, most Ukrainians didn't want to join NATO. U.S. tanks weren't doing training exercises near the Russian border. And a dollar bought 33 rubles.


But after the most tumultuous stretch of President Vladimir Putin's 15 years in power, Russia is confronting a new reality. Ukraine — the part not held by rebels — has turned firmly toward Europe. NATO troops are on alert in the Baltics, hard up against the Russian frontier. And the ruble has lost nearly half its value against the dollar, wiping away years of gains for the Russian middle class.


Putin has also won major victories, foremost among them the annexation of Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula, an achievement he said would be inscribed in the annals of Russian history alongside the exploits of Catherine the Great. A frozen conflict in eastern Ukraine gives him leverage over the rest of that country. And his approval ratings are at record highs, a measure of how skillfully he has convinced people that he is confronting a West determined to declaw the powerful Russian bear.


Many of the developments of the past year run counter to Putin's most important strategic goals, including furthering the prosperity that was crucial to consolidating power in his first years in office. Russia enters the new year on unsteady footing, as falling oil prices and tough Western sanctions threaten to cripple its economy. The ruble lost 20 percent of its value in just hours on Tuesday before rebounding .


But in a swaggering, year-end news conference last week, Putin showed little sign of distress. The West would have found another way to attack Russia, even without Crimea, he said. He promised the economy would be better than ever in two years. Divorced in 2013, he even announced he had found love.


Despite the Russian leader's assurances that prosperity is around the corner, Kremlin advisers, diplomats and analysts say that no stability is in sight.


"This is not the price we have to pay for Crimea," Putin said last week. "This is actually the price we have to pay for our natural aspiration to preserve ourselves as a nation, as a civilization, as a state."


It is a steep price. One of Putin's primary goals has been to fend off NATO, the Western defense alliance, which many Russians see as a threat to their security. NATO's 2004 expansion to the Baltic states — and thus to Russia's borders — is a major thorn in Putin's side. Kremlin advisers say that he was convinced that Ukraine was the next target. That would have threatened the base used by Russia's Black Sea fleet in Crimea.


In reality, Western diplomats say, NATO membership for Ukraine was never on the table, particularly because a majority of Ukrainians opposed it. But Russia's March annexation of Crimea wound up reinvigorating the alliance.


"We need to think about our allies, the positioning of our forces in the alliance and the readiness of our forces in the alliance, such that we can be there to defend against it [Russia] if required," said U.S. Air Force Gen. Philip Breedlove, the commander of NATO's military forces, days after Crimea was annexed.


Since the Crimea annexation, the number of NATO fighter jets patrolling the Baltic skies has tripled, and the jets have frequently intercepted their Russian counterparts. U.S. tanks are now training in Latvia. In November they paraded through the streets of Riga as part of Latvian independence day celebrations.


And in Ukraine, a slim majority of citizens now favors joining NATO, according to opinion polls. Before the annexation, support for NATO usually ranged between 20 and 25 percent.


Germany, too, has turned against Russia, despite the sizeable trade between the two nations. German public opinion had been sympathetic to Russia, even after the Crimean annexation. That changed after a passenger jet was downed over rebel-held eastern Ukraine in July. Meanwhile, European Union sanctions have grown increasingly tough.


"After the end of the Cold War," Merkel asked in an unusually harsh speech in November, "who would have thought something like this could happen?" She braced for years of conflict with Russia.High approval rating


In recent months, Russia's souring economy has become even more troubled. Oil has shed value, and the ruble has plummeted. With Western sanctions choking off the flow of dollars to Russia's economy, the worst pain could be yet to come.


"We have probably gotten into a perfect storm," Economy Minister Alexei Ulyukayev told the Vedomosti newspaper last week. "If there had been neither sanctions nor a fall in oil prices, and if we had done no foolish things, economic growth would have been 2.5 to 3 percent," he said. The Western-oriented minister did not elaborate on what he thought had been foolish.


The central bank is now forecasting a contraction next year of up to 4.8 percent, and independent economists expect even worse. Never before has Putin ruled in such grim economic conditions.


But Putin this week shrugged off the difficulties, and for now, so have most of his citizens. He has some reasons to gloat: he seized Crimea without losing a soldier, and the world has largely moved on from expecting that Crimea will switch hands again anytime soon.


The annexation of Crimea was wildly popular in Russia, sending Putin's approval ratings to record highs. In January, 65 percent of Russians held positive views of him. By March, that number stood at 80 percent, according to the independent Levada Center. Putin's ratings have stayed high — in part because Russians have rallied around the president in response to the imposition of Western sanctions.


Under Putin, "for the first time in 100 years of Russian history, Russia was living without an external threat," said Sergey Karaganov, a dean of international relations at the Higher School of Economics in Moscow, who until last year advised the Kremlin on foreign policy.


"In a way the sanctions have been invited. To create an external threat, an organizational principle, a nationalization of the elites."


And through the conflict in eastern Ukraine, Putin maintains strong leverage over that entire country. Ukraine may not join Russia's orbit, but its economy is too war-ravaged to turn fully westward either. An EU leader, Jean-Claude Juncker, said this week that Ukraine needs $15 billion in additional aid — but that the European Union would be able to provide little of the money.


As pressure has intensified on Russia's economy, some of the most belligerent language on Ukraine has dropped out of Putin's vocabulary. After October, he stopped referring to "Novorossiya," a provocative term for the band of land including eastern Ukraine that was once part of the Russian Empire.


But by that point, he didn't need to remind anyone that parts of Ukraine were bound to Russia. To that extent, he had already won.


"We've entered a period of change. We're at the very beginning of that, but I see big things facing Russia," said Dmitri Trenin, the head of the Carnegie Moscow Center. "Stability is not going to be a mark of the next few years."



Thursday, January 1, 2015

16 bodies recovered from AirAsia crash — 6 found by US Navy ship


SURABAYA, Indonesia — More ships arrived Friday with sensitive equipment to hunt for the fuselage of AirAsia Flight 8501 and the more than 145 people still missing since it crashed into the sea five days ago.


Indonesia's Search and Rescue Agency chief Henry Bambang Soelistyo said efforts would be stepped up as long as the weather allowed.


"We will focus on underwater detection," he said, adding ships from Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the U.S. had been on the scene since before dawn Friday to try to pinpoint wreckage and the all-important black boxes — the flight data and cockpit voice recorders.


The Airbus A320 crashed into the Java Sea on Sunday with 162 people on board. Sixteen bodies have been recovered so far. Seven were announced Friday morning, six of which were found by a U.S. Navy ship, said Suryadi B. Supriyadi, operation coordinator for the National Search and Rescue Agency.


Nine planes, many with metal detecting equipment, were also scouring a 8,380 square mile area off Pangkalan Bun, the closest town on Borneo island to the search area. Two Japanese ships with three helicopters were on their way to the area, Soelistyo said.


But he said bad weather, which has hindered the search the last several days, was a worry. A drizzle and light clouds covered the area Friday morning, but rain, strong winds and high waves up to 13 feet were forecast until Sunday. Strong sea currents have also kept debris moving.


Soelistyo estimated the fuselage was at a depth of about 80 to 100 feet and vowed to recover the bodies of "our brothers and sisters ... whatever conditions we face."


So far, one victim of the crash has been returned to her family Thursday — the first of many painful reunions to come.


Hayati Lutfiah Hamid's identity was confirmed by fingerprints and other means, said Col. Budiyono of East Java's Disaster Victim Identification Unit.


Her body, in a dark casket topped with flowers, was handed over to family members during a brief ceremony at a police hospital in Surabaya, Indonesia's second-largest city and the site where the plane took off. A relative cried as she placed both hands against the polished wood.


The coffin was then taken to a village and lowered into a muddy grave, following Muslim obligations requiring bodies to be buried quickly. An imam said a simple prayer as about 150 people gathered in the drizzling rain, and red flowers were sprinkled over the mound of wet dirt topped by a small white tombstone.


The longer the search takes, the more corpses will decompose and the farther debris will scatter.


Aviation expert Geoffrey Thomas in Australia said there's a chance the plane hit the water largely intact, and that many passengers remain inside it.


He added that bodies recovered so far would have come out with a breach in the fuselage. "But most passengers still should have had their seat belts on, particularly as the plane was going into weather. The captain would have still had the seat belt sign on."


It's unclear what brought the plane down about halfway into its two-hour flight to Singapore. The jet's last communication indicated the pilots were worried about bad weather. They sought permission to climb above threatening clouds but were denied because of heavy air traffic. Four minutes later, the airliner disappeared from the radar without issuing a distress signal.


The black boxes hold key data that will help investigators determine the cause of the crash, but they have yet to be recovered. Items found so far include a life jacket, an emergency exit door, an inflatable slide, children's shoes and luggage.


Relatives have given blood for DNA tests and submitted photos of their loved ones, along with identifying information such as tattoos or birthmarks that could help make the process easier.


The long wait, with its starts and stops, has been frustrating for Sugiarti. Her 40-year-old sister, Susiyah, was a nanny traveling to Singapore for a vacation with her employers and their 2-year-old daughter.


"I hope that they can find her body soon. I feel sorry for my sister because it has already been five days," Sugiarti told reporters in Surabaya. "I am trying very hard to be patient."


Almost all the passengers were Indonesian, and many were Christians of Chinese descent. The country is predominantly Muslim, but sizeable pockets of people of other faiths are found throughout the sprawling archipelago.


McDowell reported from Pangkalan Bun, Indonesia. Associated Press writers Niniek Karmini, Ali Kotarumalos and Margie Mason in Jakarta contributed to this report.



Conservatives should want states to be free to fail


The death of Vermont’s effort to install single-payer health care is revealing — and not only for what it says about the feasibility of such government-run systems in the United States. It also shows conservatives a way forward if the Supreme Court voids broad swaths of the Affordable Care Act in 2015.


In King v. Burwell, the court will consider a challenge to the legality of Obamacare subsidies distributed in states using the federally run health-insurance exchange. The law states the subsidies may be distributed only through exchanges “established by the states.” But the Obama administration has argued for a broader reading permitting the distribution of subsidies to individuals living in states using the federal exchange.


If the justices determine the law means what it says, it’s likely that the architecture of Obamacare in states without their own exchanges will be fundamentally compromised. That is because the absence of public subsidies makes health insurance unaffordable for millions, therefore invalidating the employer mandate in those states and, by extension, creating many exceptions to the individual mandate as well.


This could potentially set up a situation where the states that didn’t establish their own exchanges face pressure to establish programs to help furnish affordable health insurance to those who will no longer receive subsidies through Obamacare. While the federal government will need to play some role in helping to finance these reforms, governors and state leaders will have the opportunity (and will be expected) to show leadership in a post-King world.


For conservatives, this would be an important juncture. On one hand, the prospect of federalist reforms, where states take the lead in expanding private coverage while holding down rising medical costs, is an exciting one. On the other hand, with such federalist policies comes the possibility that some states will try to do what Vermont did and pursue single-payer or big-government approaches to health care.


The temptation for conservatives will be to argue that the federal government should restrict the kinds of changes states can pursue, to prevent others from taking the Vermont route. In the past, some conservatives have in effect made this point: States should be given the freedom and flexibility to pursue solutions that serve their citizens best, this argument goes, so long as federal funds aren’t used to support policies that stray from free-market principles.


Such restrictions would be wrong-headed. Federalism means states will try “novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country,” as Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis wrote. And states should be free to craft the health care system their elected officials select, even if conservatives (or anyone else, for that matter) find the changes offensive. The nature of federalism is that the best ideas will be replicated, while the worst ones won’t be.


Vermont’s experience is therefore instructive. The state shuttered its effort to set up a single-payer system because, in the words of Democratic Gov. Peter Shumlin, “the potential economic disruption and risks would be too great to small businesses, working families and the state’s economy.”


The acknowledgment by Vermont officials that it was economically and fiscally infeasible to set up a government-run health care system will give pause to other states that are interested in doing something similar. The failed experience of one state helps influence what other states will or won’t do.


The failure of Vermont’s single-payer effort is no guarantee that other states won’t adopt similarly wrong-headed programs. But if the Supreme Court rules against the Obama administration in the King case, conservatives should nonetheless let many flowers bloom when it comes to state-based reform.


That may be a tough pill for them to swallow, if some states enact policies anathema to free-market values. But conservatives should have enough faith in their principles to believe that these efforts will ultimately fail — and lead to a consensus that less, not more, government is the best way to change our health care system for the better.


Lanhee Chen is a Bloomberg View columnist. A research fellow at the Hoover Institution who also teaches public policy at Stanford University, he was the policy director of Mitt Romney’s 2012 presidential campaign.



Slaves endure 'a living hell' on remote South Korean islands


SINUI ISLAND, South Korea — He ran the first chance he got.


The summer sun beat down on the shallow, sea-fed fields where Kim Seong-baek was forced to work without pay, day after 18-hour day mining the big salt crystals that blossomed in the mud around him. Half-blind and in rags, Kim grabbed another slave, and the two men — both disabled — headed for the coast.


Far from Seoul, the glittering steel-and-glass capital of one of Asia's richest countries, they were now hunted men on this tiny, remote island where the enslavement of disabled salt farm workers is an open secret.


"It was a living hell," Kim said. "I thought my life was over."


Lost, they wandered past asphalt-black salt fields sparkling with a patina of thin white crust. They could feel the islanders they passed watching them. Everyone knew who belonged and who didn't.


Near a grocery, the store owner's son came out and asked what they were doing. Kim broke down, begged for help, said he'd been held against his will. The man offered to take them to the police to file a report. Instead, he called their boss, who beat Kim with a rake — and it was back to the salt fields.


"I couldn't fight back," Kim said, in a recent series of interviews with The Associated Press whose details are corroborated by court records and by lawyers, police and government officials. "The islanders are too organized, too connected."


* * *


Slavery thrives on this chain of rural islands off South Korea's rugged southwest coast, nurtured by a long history of exploitation and the demands of trying to squeeze a living from the sea.


Five times during the past decade, revelations of slavery involving the disabled have emerged, each time generating national shame and outrage. Kim's case prompted a nationwide government probe during the course of several months last year. Officials searched more than 38,000 salt, fish and agricultural farms and disabled facilities and found more than 100 workers who had received no — or only scant — pay, and more than 100 who had been reported missing by their families.


Yet little has changed on the islands, according to a months-long investigation by the AP based on court and police documents and dozens of interviews with freed slaves, salt farmers, villagers and officials.


Although 50 island farm owners and regional job brokers were indicted, no local police or officials have faced punishment — and national police say none will, despite multiple interviews showing some knew about the slaves and even stopped escape attempts.


Slavery has been so pervasive that regional judges have shown leniency toward several perpetrators. In suspending the prison sentences of two farmers, a court said that "such criminal activities were tolerated as common practice by a large number of salt farms nearby."


The AP findings shine a spotlight on the underbelly of an Asian success story. After decades of war, poverty and dictatorship, South Koreans now enjoy a vibrant democracy and media, and an entertainment industry that's the envy of the region. But amid the country's growing wealth and power, the disabled often don't fit in.


Soon after the national government's investigation, activists and police found another 63 unpaid or underpaid workers on the islands, three-quarters of whom were mentally disabled.


Yet some refused to leave the salt farms because they had nowhere else to go. Several freed disabled slaves told the AP they will return because they think that even the salt farms are better than life on the streets or in crowded shelters. In some cases, relatives refused to take back the disabled or sent salt farmers letters confirming that they didn't need to pay the workers.


Kim's former boss, Hong Jeong-gi, didn't respond to multiple requests for comment through his lawyer but argued in court that he didn't confine the two men. Hong is set to appear next week in court to appeal a 3½-year prison sentence.


Other villagers, including paid salt workers, say farmers do the best they can despite little help from the government and add that only a few bad owners abuse workers. Farmers describe themselves as providing oases for the disabled and homeless.


"These are people who are neglected and mistreated, people who have nowhere to go," Hong Chi-guk, a 64-year-old salt farmer in Sinui, told the AP. "What alternative does our society have for them?"


* * *


On the night of July 4, 2012, a stranger approached Kim in a Seoul train station where he was trying to sleep; Kim had been homeless since fleeing creditors a decade earlier. The man offered him lodging for the night and promised him food, cigarettes and a "good job" in the morning.


Hours later, Kim stood in the muck of a salt farm owned by Hong, who had paid an illegal job agent the equivalent of about $700 for his new worker, according to court records.


Kim, visually disabled and described in court documents as having the social awareness of a 12-year-old, had no money, no cellphone and only the vaguest idea of where he was.


The afternoon of his first full day on the farm, Hong erupted as Kim struggled with the backbreaking work, according to the prosecutors' indictment that a judge based Hong's sentence on. The owner grabbed him from behind and flipped him onto the ground, screaming, "You moron. If I knew you'd be so bad at this, I wouldn't have brought you here."


In the next weeks, Hong punched him in the face for not cleaning floors properly. He beat him on the buttocks with a wooden plank for raking the salt in the wrong way.


"Each time I tried to ask him something, his punch came first," Kim told the AP. "He told me to use my mouth only for eating and smoking. He said I shouldn't question things and should be thankful because he fed me and gave me lodging and work."


It was just as bad for the other slave, Chae Min-sik, a tiny man whose disabilities are so severe that he struggles even with basic words.


Only a week after his first capture, Kim began to plan another escape.


* * *


"Angel Islands," the regional tourist board calls the 1,004 islands clustered in the sun-sparkling waters off South Korea's southwestern tip, because the Korean word for "1,004" sounds like the word for "angel."


Local media call them "Slave Islands."


Parts of the region have been shut out from the country's recent meteoric development. On many of the 72 inhabited islands, salt propels the economic engine, thanks to clean water, wide-open farmland and strong sunlight.


Sinan County has more than 850 salt farms that produce two-thirds of South Korea's sea salt. To make money, however, farmers need labor, lots of it and cheap. Around half of Sinui Island's 2,200 people work in salt farming, according to a county website and officials.


Even with pay, the work is hard.


Large farms in Europe can harvest salt once or twice a year with machines. But smaller Korean farms rely on daily manpower to wring salt from seawater.


Workers manage a complex network of waterways, hoses and storage areas. When the salt forms, they drain the fields, rake the salt into mounds, clean it and bag it. The process typically takes 25 days.


Sinan salt, which costs about three times more than refined salt, is coveted in South Korea, found in fancy department stores and given as wedding gifts.


"Everyone makes money from the farms," said Choi Young-shim, the owner of a fish restaurant in Mokpo, the southern port city that's the gateway to the salt islands.


Not everyone.


* * *


The second time they ran, Kim and Chae again tried to find their way to the port. But they had to pass the grocery store to get there, and again the store owner's son, identified by officials only as Yoon, rounded them up and called Hong.


After another beating, it was back to work. The few hours they weren't in the fields, they slept in a concrete storage building filled with piles of junk and large orange sacks of rice.


Kim despaired of ever escaping. Hong was an influential man, a former village head. He was linked by regular social contact and family ties with other salt farmers and villagers, some of whom volunteered to patrol the island for escaped workers.


Although Kim lived only 3 kilometers from a police station, he never thought about asking for help. He thought he'd be ignored or, worse, returned.


Kim ran again at the end of the month. Hong quickly called members of the volunteer patrol, and, again, Yoon spotted the slaves as they tried to reach the port and brought them to Hong.


Furious, the owner issued an ultimatum: Run again, and you'll get a knife in the stomach.


Hong beat Kim so badly he broke Kim's glasses, leaving him nearly blind. He worked Kim so hard the slave was too tired to think about escape, even if he hadn't been terrified to try.


"It just drove me deeper into despair," Kim said. "I never had a chance."


* * *


The exact number of people enslaved on the islands is difficult to determine for the same reasons that slavery lingers: the transient nature of the work, the remoteness of the farms and the closeness — and often hostility — of the island communities.


"It's like a game of hide-and-seek," said Park Su-in, an activist. "What we are finding is just the tip of the iceberg. It's hard to comprehend how bad it is for the disabled people who are forced to work out on these isolated islands."


Activists think many slaves have yet to be found, as some salt farm owners sent victims away or hid them from investigators. They say others coached disabled workers about what they should say in interviews.


While island police officers were moved to different posts on the mainland as part of annual personnel changes, authorities found no collusion, according to a Mokpo police official who spoke on condition of anonymity because of office rules.


"If the recent investigation was done properly, then pretty much everyone on the island should've been taken to the police station and charged," said Kim Kang-won, another activist who participated in the recent investigation on Sinui. "The whole village knew about it. The local government office, and the police as well. It is clear negligence. And the problem hasn't been resolved yet."


Provincial police vowed to inspect farms and interview workers regularly. Choi Byung-dai, a police officer on Sinui Island when Kim was freed, expressed regret about Kim's treatment but also noted the difficulty of monitoring so many salt farms and a flood of seasonal workers.


Salt farmers blame illegal job agencies in Mokpo, which see mentally disabled workers as better bets because they're less likely to complain or run away.


"They're treated like dogs and pigs, but people in the community are used to it," said Kim Kyung-lae, a Mokpo cab driver who regularly drives local employment agents and disabled workers to the ferry port to meet with farm owners.


Others familiar with the island confirm that slavery is rampant.


A doctor who worked at the Sinui Island public health center from 2006 to 2007 said most of the workers he treated were abused or exploited.


"The police chief would tell me that I'd eventually come to understand that this was how things on the island worked," Cho Yong-su said. "For decades, they'd exploited workers in this way, so they couldn't understand that this was abuse."


An outsider might cringe at what's happening on the island, said Han Bong-cheol, a pastor in Mokpo who lived on Sinui for 19 years until June. "But when you live there, many of these problems feel inevitable."


He sympathized with farmers forced to deal with disabled, incompetent workers whom he described as dirty and lazy. "They spend their leisure time eating snacks, drinking alcohol and smoking cigarettes. They are taken once or twice a year to Mokpo so they can buy sex. It's a painful reality, but it's a pain the island has long shared as a community," Han said.


* * *


After a year and a half as a slave, Kim made one last bid for freedom.


He wrote a letter to his mother in Seoul that he never expected to be able to send, calling himself her "foolish" son.


He got a break when Hong's wife let him go alone for a haircut. Walking slowly without his glasses, he ducked into the post office and mailed the letter, which gave directions to the farm.


Kim's mother was stunned. She brought the letter to Seo Je-gong, a police captain for the Seoul Guro district. "A vanished person had suddenly reappeared," Seo, now retired, told AP.


Seo then hatched an extraordinary plan.


Because Kim's letter noted collaboration between local police and salt farm owners, Seo and another Seoul officer ran a clandestine operation without telling local officials.


Carrying fishing rods, they walked around like tourists who had come to fish and buy salt, and surreptitiously took photos of Hong's house and farm. After they watched Hong board a boat, they told Hong's wife they were Seoul police who had come to free Kim.


The officers found the slaves sitting on a mattress in the back room of a storage building with no heat or hot water. Kim wore thin, dirty clothes, slippers and socks with big holes. He looked, Seo said, like a person who had been homeless for a very long time.


Kim was frightened and baffled at first, then relieved. "I am going to live," he said.


When Seo took Kim to a local police station to give an official account, an indignant policeman asked, "Why didn't you leave this to us?"


Villagers, unaware that Kim's escorts were Seoul police, harassed him at the docks, asking where he was going. Some even called Hong.


When Kim met his mother the next day, they both wept. She stroked her son's face. "Everything is all right because you've come back alive," she says in a police video of their reunion.


Chae initially refused to leave Sinui. After Seo later found a 2008 missing person's report for Chae, police returned and rescued him. Chae, who'd spent five years as a slave, now lives in a Seoul shelter.


Hong was convicted of employing a trafficked person, aggravated confinement, habitual violence and violating labor laws. Yoon, the man who captured Kim and Chae three times, was fined $7,500. Two illegal job brokers hired by Hong to procure workers are appealing prison sentences of 2 years and 2½ years.


Kim, who lives in Seoul and occasionally works construction jobs, still seems amazed that his escape plan worked. He settled with Hong for about $35,000 in unpaid wages but is furious that Hong is appealing his prison term next week. Kim will face him in court and has been preparing for the moment.


His body aches, and he gets treatment for lingering pain in his neck, legs and spine.


"Now all I want is peace," Kim said. "I still get nightmares, still wake up in the middle of the night."


His time as a slave has even changed the way he feels about salt. He gets flustered when he talks about it, disgusted when he sees it.


"Just thinking about it makes me grind my teeth."



1st body from AirAsia crash buried; searchers concerned about weather


SURABAYA, Indonesia — More ships arrived Friday with sensitive equipment to hunt for the fuselage of AirAsia Flight 8501 and the more than 150 people still missing since it crashed into the sea five days ago.


Indonesia's Search and Rescue Agency chief Henry Bambang Soelistyo said efforts would be stepped up as long as the weather allowed.


"We will focus on underwater detection," he said, adding ships from Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the U.S. had been on the scene since before dawn Friday to try to pinpoint wreckage and the all-important black boxes— the flight data and cockpit voice recorders.


The Airbus A320 crashed into the Java Sea on Sunday with 162 people on board. Ten bodies have been recovered so far, with the latest, a female victim, announced Friday morning.


Nine planes, many with metal detecting equipment, were also scouring a 8,380 square mile area off Pangkalan Bun, the closest town on Borneo island to the search area. Two Japanese ships with three helicopters were on their way to the area, Soelistyo said.


But he said bad weather, which has hindered the search the past several days, was a worry. A drizzle and light clouds covered the area Friday morning, but rain, strong winds and high waves up to 13 feet were forecast until Sunday. Strong sea currents have also kept debris moving.


Soelistyo estimated the fuselage was at a depth of 80 to 100 feet and vowed to recover the bodies of "our brothers and sisters ... whatever conditions we face."


So far, one victim of the crash has been returned to her family Thursday — the first of many painful reunions to come.


Hayati Lutfiah Hamid's identity was confirmed by fingerprints and other means, said Col. Budiyono of East Java's Disaster Victim Identification Unit.


Her body, in a dark casket topped with flowers, was handed over to family members during a brief ceremony at a police hospital in Surabaya, Indonesia's second-largest city and the site where the plane took off. A relative cried as she placed both hands against the polished wood.


The coffin was then taken to a village and lowered into a muddy grave, following Muslim obligations requiring bodies to be buried quickly. An imam said a simple prayer as about 150 people gathered in the drizzling rain, and red flowers were sprinkled over the mound of wet dirt topped by a small white tombstone.


The longer the search takes, the more corpses will decompose and the farther debris will scatter.


Aviation expert Geoffrey Thomas in Australia said there's a chance the plane hit the water largely intact, and that many passengers remain inside it.


He added that bodies recovered so far would have come out with a breach in the fuselage. "But most passengers still should have had their seat belts on, particularly as the plane was going into weather. The captain would have still had the seat belt sign on."


It's unclear what brought the plane down about halfway into its two-hour flight to Singapore. The jet's last communication indicated the pilots were worried about bad weather. They sought permission to climb above threatening clouds but were denied because of heavy air traffic. Four minutes later, the airliner disappeared from the radar without issuing a distress signal.


The black boxes hold key data that will help investigators determine the cause of the crash, but they have yet to be recovered. Items found so far include a life jacket, an emergency exit door, an inflatable slide, children's shoes and luggage.


Relatives have given blood for DNA tests and submitted photos of their loved ones, along with identifying information such as tattoos or birthmarks that could help make the process easier.


The long wait, with its starts and stops, has been frustrating for Sugiarti. Her 40-year-old sister, Susiyah, was a nanny traveling to Singapore for a vacation with her employers and their 2-year-old daughter.


"I hope that they can find her body soon. I feel sorry for my sister because it has already been five days," Sugiarti told reporters in Surabaya. "I am trying very hard to be patient."


Almost all the passengers were Indonesian, and many were Christians of Chinese descent. The country is predominantly Muslim, but sizeable pockets of people of other faiths are found throughout the sprawling archipelago.


McDowell reported from Pangkalan Bun, Indonesia. Associated Press writers Niniek Karmini, Ali Kotarumalos and Margie Mason in Jakarta contributed to this report.



Battle of New Orleans was crucial US victory after all, historians now say


NEW ORLEANS — New historical research is shedding light on how pivotal the victory by Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson and his ragtag army of frontiersmen, Creoles, slaves and American Indians was at the Battle of New Orleans 200 years ago.


Often, the Battle of New Orleans — the main battle took place Jan. 8, 1815 — is viewed as having been a great military victory, but inconsequential because a peace treaty between Britain and the United States was signed before the battle was fought.


"What I was taught in school, like most of us, was that the Battle of New Orleans was irrelevant," said C.J. Longanecker, a former National Park Service ranger who worked for years at the Chalmette Battlefield, a national park dedicated to the battle.


In reality, historians now say, the peace treaty was only as good as the paper it was written on.


A big discovery has come from British war records: A set of secret orders given in October 1814 to Maj. Gen. Edward Pakenham, the commander of the British invasion of the Gulf Coast.


The orders directed Pakenham to fight on regardless of any peace deal and capture New Orleans, said Ronald Drez, the military historian who uncovered the orders. He dug up the records last spring during research in London for his new book, "The War of 1812, Conflict and Deception: The British Attempt to Seize New Orleans and Nullify the Louisiana Purchase."


This should put to rest any doubt about British designs in America, Drez argues.


"It truly is the smoking gun," Drez said. "They say to Pakenham: 'If you hear of a peace treaty, pay no attention, continue to fight.'"


Drez found the orders among military records in The National Archives at Kew in London.


"It's old information that hasn't been looked at," said Ron Chapman about the orders, a historian at the Nunez Community College close to the old battlefield, a large, grassy slip of land along the Mississippi River surrounded by live oak trees, a sugar mill and oil refineries.


In Chapman's new book, "The Battle of New Orleans: But for a Piece of Wood," he reaches similar conclusions to Drez. Both historians said Americans don't appreciate how close the British came to seizing New Orleans and radically changing the course of American history.


The British viewed the sale of the Louisiana territory by Napoleon Bonaparte to Thomas Jefferson as illegal. Great Britain "had never been reconciled with the loss of its colonies" in North America, said Christina Vella, a Tulane University historian and biographer. "They planned to colonize Louisiana."


The stand by Jackson and his makeshift army, then, takes on new meaning.


Almost 300 British soldiers were dead and almost six times as many were wounded, captured or missing after a multi-pronged attack by the British on the makeshift fortifications the Americans had erected on the two banks of the Mississippi River south of New Orleans. The defeat caused the British armada to retreat to Mobile and definitively ended the War of 1812, and the two countries never went to war again.


"This is as big as Yorktown," Chapman said, referring to the decisive victory over the British during the American Revolution.


All the same, it's not an easy page of American history to digest.


Jackson was a cruel bloodthirsty killer and slave owner. Though courteous in genteel society, the future president drank, swore, smoked, gambled and loved cockfighting. He routinely ordered executions and put bounties on the heads of fugitive slaves, said Vella, the Tulane historian.


As for the other hero of the Battle of New Orleans, the French pirate Jean Lafitte, he was a slave-runner and tax cheat who likely never even heard a shot fired during the battle, said William C. Davis, a historian at Virginia Tech and an authority on Lafitte.


But in discussing the formation of the United States, historians say the battle for New Orleans and its participants, regardless of their failings, were pivotal in saving the American expansionist dream.


"When you think of this nation from shining sea to shining sea," said Longanecker, the retired park ranger, "it would not have happened but for this battle."



USS Abraham Lincoln sailors get in shape with the 'fit boss'


NEWPORT NEWS, Va. (Tribune News Service) — Sailors aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln call him "coach." But Chris Jacquard's job title is "fit boss."


He is a civilian but an integral part of the crew that is two years into its four-year stay at Newport News Shipbuilding, where the Lincoln is undergoing its midlife overhaul.


Jacquard is doing a bit of an overhaul himself. He is breathing new life into the Navy's tired physical training program.


Instead of the typical pushups, situps and running, Jacquard pushes sailors' bodies through a battery of dynamic workouts rarely doing the same movement twice. Most days, Jacquard prefers to run circuits — hitting arms, legs, back and the total body with exercises such as flipping a tractor tire, rope pulls, shuttle sprints and kettle-bell swings. Other days it's weight training in the gym or calisthenics just using body-weight movements.


"I know that tank is empty," Jacquard said on a blustery day on the field behind Huntington Hall, where two dozen sailors were on the 45th minute of an hourlong workout. "You have to make the conscious decision to do it and do it right."


"My tank is halfway," responded Jordan Alvarez, an aviation ordnanceman airman, as he picked up a medicine ball throwing it about 10 feet over his head after pushing out of a squat.


"You better pick up a heavier ball," Jacquard quipped.


Out of earshot of the others, Jacquard told Alvarez to sink lower into his heels and explode out of the squat position.


"I'm more of a runner than a lifter. I detest it," the lean sailor said of Jacquard's workouts. "But I love it at the same time."


Jacquard leads a command-wide PT session every Friday and another weekly workout with "command fitness leaders" from each of the 18 departments on the ship. Those sailors then lead their respective commands in two workouts a week. Jacquard also offers two to three classes a day, ranging from yoga to weightlifting, and has daily office hours to meet with sailors about fitness goals and nutrition.


The Lincoln leadership sought Jacquard, who has worked with professional and Olympic athletes in the past, for a pilot experiment of sorts. The ship's new commander, Capt. Ronald Ravelo, has made fitness a priority during this shore period when it is often hard to keep sailors focused on the mission.


"We don't know what other ships are doing or what other commanders are doing," he said. "This is something specific to the Abraham Lincoln. We want to transition the Lincoln from the type of ship it was to the future."


Jacquard called it "the Lincoln standard."


When the ship rejoins the fleet in 2016, the goal is progress, Jacquard said. That means sailors achieving higher scores on the physical readiness test, or on their way to improvement. When the ship returns to sea, Jacquard and the gym equipment they've been using since he joined the crew six months ago will go, too.


Machinist mate Mark Mendoza said Jacquard has been a motivator among the sailors.


"As soon as Chris showed up, we saw cohesion," Mendoza said. "It's been painful. We're out there getting our rears handed to us. But if you're not out there sweating, if you're not out there feeling something, you're not doing it right."


The fitness regimen isn't simply intended to make the sailors more physically fit. Jacquard said it is a stress reliever and helps with life management. The functional training, as Jacquard called it, directly translates to jobs on the ship.


"It sets you up for if something happens on board," Josh Davis, an aviation boatswains mate handler, said. "For my job, I don't need anything but a colored wand. But we're all firefighters or emergency responders if the worst happens. And we've all got to be physically ready."


(c)2014 the Daily Press (Newport News, Va.)

Visit the Daily Press (Newport News, Va.) at www.dailypress.com

Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC



Supporters of Army downsizing in Hawaii slam Oahu petition effort


(Tribune Content Agency) — A group in favor of Army downsizing on the Hawaiian island of Oahu is objecting to satellite city halls offering petitions that support keeping the soldiers there.


The Chamber of Commerce Hawaii, meanwhile, is trying to boost those signatures to retain the troops as the state's public support lags the efforts of some communities on the mainland that also want to keep their Army populations.


The Army said it is pursuing a postwar reduction in its ranks that in a worst-case scenario would mean the removal of 19,800 soldiers and civilian workers on Oahu and $1.3 billion in annual soldier-related sales.


"There are differing opinions, and the differing opinion is that there are costs to the Army being here and that the mayor shouldn't be allowed to represent one opinion with public facilities and public personnel," said Makaha resident Al Frenzel, director of the Oahu Council for Army Downsizing.


Frenzel is a retired Army colonel who taught force structuring at the U.S. Army War College. The council, a nonprofit group, supports the turnover of Army facilities and land to the state.


Jesse Broder Van Dyke, a spokesman for Mayor Kirk Caldwell, said the petitions in support of the Army — part of a campaign called "Keep Hawaii's Heroes" — are available at satellite city halls and other locations.


The administration received approval from corporation counsel and the Honolulu Ethics Commission to offer the petitions, he said.


"Mayor Caldwell is a co-sponsor of the ‘Keep Hawaii's Heroes' campaign with (entertainer) Carole Kai Onouye," Broder Van Dyke said. "He strongly supports Oahu's military community and believes there would be a major negative impact to Honolulu's economy and jobs if the U.S. military were to downsize as has been proposed by the federal government."


Laurie Wong, associate legal counsel with the Hono­lulu Ethics Commission, said in an email to Frenzel that "Keep Hawaii's Heroes" falls into a "project with community-wide benefit" exception that allows for the use of city resources.


The Chamber of Commerce, which helped organize the "Keep Hawaii's Heroes" campaign, said the loss of the soldiers, civilians and 30,000 family members would mean the exodus of about 5 percent of Hono­lulu's population.


Schofield Barracks could see the loss of 16,000 soldiers and civilian workers, and Fort Shafter could lose 3,800. Wahiawa, Waialua, Schofield, Mililani and Kunia would lose 38 percent of their populations and 20,000 jobs would be affected, the chamber said.


"The Chamber of Commerce Hawaii supports the right to petition and believes that the impact of Army downsizing in Hawaii would have a profound effect on our state's economy across the board to include small businesses and service, scientific, agricultural and energy sectors," said President and CEO Sherry Menor-McNamara.


The goal of the campaign is to build awareness of the Army's importance in Hawaii, secure 40,000 supporters by Jan. 20, and "demonstrate Hawaii's commitment to the Army" during a "listening session" the service will hold from 6:30 to 8 p.m. Jan. 27 at the Hale Koa Hotel.


A petition at Change.org had gathered 3,515 supporters as of Wednesday.


In addition to the people who have signed the online petition, paper signatures have been collected. To date, more than 8,000 people have signed the petition, Menor-McNamara said.


The Army overall is proposing to reduce its ranks from about 510,000 active-duty soldiers today to between 440,000 and 450,000.


But in the potential cuts it analyzed in Hawaii and dozens of other locations, it weighed reductions down to 420,000 in the event sequestration budget cuts are restored in fiscal 2016.


The U.S. Army Environmental Command reported that it received 111,297 submission, including letters and signatures, relating to the possible cuts at 30 installations.


Most were letters of support seeking to keep the Army presence.


The top submission was 34,618 form letters and signatures received for Fort Polk, La., followed by 21,950 for Fort Benning, Ga.


Frenzel, the downsizing advocate, noted that just 30 letters, some in favor of cuts, were sent in for U.S. Army Garrison Hawaii.


The Oahu Council for Army Downsizing has its own petition on Change.org, with 219 people calling for fewer soldiers. The group is seeking 20,000 supporters.


Army headquarters noted Hawaii's conflicted feelings about the troop stationing in a Dec. 22 Army news story.


The majority of public comments were directed at keeping soldiers, but some were not, the service noted.


"Some comments received suggesting even more troops should leave were from Hawaii, Colorado and a few other places," the Army said.


Any cuts that occur as a result of the analysis won't happen until October 2015, the Army said.


Frenzel's group maintains the Army's downsizing provides a "once in a century opportunity" to return to the state Schofield Barracks, Wheeler Army Airfield, Makua Valley, Dillingham Military Reservation and Kolekole Pass.


The Oahu Council for Army downsizing "does not consider the bulk of the Army's forces on Oahu to be strategically located since these forces do not have readily available airlift or sealift to support their transport to anywhere in the Pacific as quickly as may be needed."


©2015 The Honolulu Star-Advertiser. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.



Wednesday, December 31, 2014

USNS Spearhead, Navy's 1st high-speed catamaran, deployed to Africa




The Navy deployed its first high-speed catamaran earlier this week to the western coast of Africa.


The send-off took place Sunday at Joint Expeditionary Base Little Creek, Va., for the USNS Spearhead, a troop and cargo transporter.


This isn't the ship's first deployment: It returned to Norfolk, Va., in May after its maiden five-month tour of Europe and Africa. But the joint high-speed vessel is the first of its kind.


One of 10 intended for the Navy, the 338-foot-long aluminum catamaran is propelled by water jets, similar to the propulsion of a personal watercraft. It has a 20,000-square-foot mission bay that can be configured for a variety of tasks. It can carry up to 312 passengers and reach a top speed of 40 knots.


Military Sealift Command operates the Spearhead. It is a Navy organization that controls most of the supply and transport ships that serve the U.S. military.


©2014 The (Newport News, Va.) Daily Press. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.




‘Unbroken’ tells half of Japan’s war story


In the just-released film “Unbroken,” as in real life, U.S. Army Air Corps Lt. Louis Zamperini was beaten, starved and forced to work as a slave laborer by his Japanese captors.


Things could have been worse. Like some other war prisoners held by the Japanese, Zamperini could have been used in biological warfare experiments. Or vivisected. Or beheaded, with parts of his body then eaten by his captors. As the historian Daqing Yang notes, 9 out of 10 U.S. POWs who died in captivity in World War II did so at the hands of the Japanese.


In Japan, where “Unbroken” does not yet — and may never — have a release date, right-wing nationalists have protested the film as racist and inaccurate. “It’s pure fabrication,” asserted a representative of one such pressure group, the Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact. Online petitions have described director Angelina Jolie as a “demon” and called for her to be banned from Japan.


Unfortunately, the attacks on Jolie’s film, which is really much less about Japanese brutality than the resilience of the human spirit, are part of a revisionist recrudescence under the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Several of his Cabinet members and appointees have pushed to whitewash or deny the Japanese military’s forced wartime recruitment of women as prostitutes, the 1937 Nanjing Massacre of Chinese civilians by Japanese troops and other wartime atrocities, targeting journalists and scholars who dare to disagree.


Such behavior has roiled Japan’s relations with China and South Korea and undermined its alliance with the United States. And it has cast an ugly shadow over the impending 70th anniversary of World War II’s end. Yet that occasion also offers an opportunity for both Japan and the U.S. to relearn lessons about the uses and abuses of history, beginning with the folly of trying to cover it up.


In the two weeks following the end of hostilities on Aug. 15, 1945, and the arrival of the first U.S. troops on Aug. 28, Japan’s military engaged in a wholesale destruction of its files. Some Japanese historians estimate, for instance, that as much as 70 percent of the army’s wartime records were lost. Although the Americans, British, Chinese, Dutch, Filipinos and Russians each held separate war-crimes trials of Japanese defendants, their documentation has never been gathered in one place, making it harder to access. Meanwhile, Japanese rightists have sought to discredit the remembered accounts of Korean “comfort women” as anecdotal or concocted memory. They have also exploited inaccuracies in sensationalist best-sellers such as Iris Chang’s “The Rape of Nanking” to try to discredit larger truths.


Yet not only have many Japanese contributed unflinching histories of Japan’s wartime behavior — many available in English — but voluminous, and damning, official records exist that have yet to be fully exploited. In 2006, the U.S. government’s National Archives and Records Administration published “Researching Japanese War Crimes,” a guide to U.S. intelligence reports, captured Japanese documents and contemporary news accounts contained in various U.S. public archives.


It’s not the kind of stuff you want to read on a full stomach: In the National Archives, for instance, you can find the transcript of the trial of Japanese officers who ordered the execution, and then the cooking, of four U.S. Navy airmen downed in raids on Chichi-Jima — a fate that Lt. George H.W. Bush, who was also shot down on the raid, barely avoided.


To their credit, many Japanese scholars have drawn on such materials in their own work: U.S. documents on Japan’s biological warfare experiments on Chinese prisoners, for instance, helped to blunt the 1980s attempt by Japan’s Ministry of Education to censor references to such crimes in history textbooks.


Any forthright exploration of Japan’s wartime cruelties, of course, must be matched by an acknowledgment of the battlefield savagery of U.S. troops in the Pacific, where some members of the Greatest Generation pried gold teeth out of the mouths of still-living Japanese soldiers, strafed airmen in their parachutes, shot surrendering soldiers and sent Japanese skulls home to their sweethearts as table ornaments. Compared with the European theater, it was not exactly the Good War: “Subhuman, inhuman, lesser human, superhuman — all that was lacking in the perception of the Japanese enemy was a human like oneself,” observed the historian John Dower.


Moreover, U.S. archives lay bare another troubling aspect of U.S. wartime history: the willingness to collaborate with Japanese war criminals in the name of larger strategic interests. As Michael Petersen documents, Gen. Charles Willoughby, a die-hard anticommunist who was Douglas MacArthur’s intelligence chief, oversaw a (remarkably feckless) postwar spy network that included Masanobu Tsuji, the Imperial Army officer who helped organize the Bataan Death March that killed so many of the U.S. soldiers that MacArthur abandoned in the Philippines.


Still missing are documents showing what happened to data from the human experiments by Unit 731, the notorious Japanese chemical and biological warfare outfit headed by Gen. Shiro Ishii, who was never prosecuted by the Allies. The records also shine a light on the expedient clemency policies toward suspected war criminals such as Nobusuke Kishi, a postwar prime minister who also happens to be Abe’s grandfather.


That raises a final historical irony worth pondering over the coming anniversary year: the U.S. responsibility for shielding the progenitors of Japan’s latter-day revisionists from accountability and prosecution. Even as late as the 1990s, the U.S. State Department was arguing against releasing information on early Cold War payments by the CIA to right-wing politicians from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party. Such behavior helps explain why “Unbroken” describes not just Louis Zamperini’s spirit, but the resilience of Japan’s rightists.


James Gibney writes editorials on international affairs for Bloomberg View.



Kabul’s eerie and dangerous, and it feels like deja vu


Many winters ago, I stood in a vast, empty intersection of central Kabul. The only sounds were the jingle of passing horse carts and the ticking spokes of old bicycles. There were no other Westerners on the streets, and all eyes were upon me. Despite being wrapped in many layers of modest clothing, I felt naked.


Much has changed in the Afghan capital since those haunted days under Taliban rule. Bombed-out ruins have been replaced by multi-story apartment buildings and ornate mansions. The populace has quintupled and traffic jams are constant. Cellphone and computer shops with picture windows line the streets, and beauty parlor signs feature women with pouting lips and geisha makeup.


But this winter, even as a frequent foreign visitor to Kabul, dressed modestly and with my head covered, I feel naked once again. Almost every Westerner I once knew here has left the country for good, their missions suspended or shut down, and several of my longtime Afghan acquaintances and colleagues have fled abroad and sought asylum.


The few old friends who remain stationed here, mostly professionals from international agencies, are either away for the holidays or shuttered inside guarded compounds, ordered by security consultants to avoid public places and unable to visit the projects they sponsor.


The Taliban are back — this time not as the wary but proper official hosts who periodically issued visas to Western journalists and officials during their five-year rule from 1996 to 2001. Now they are cold-blooded insurgents who have been preying aggressively on the capital since a new civilian government took office in late September.


In the past two months, the militants have bombed or stormed foreign symbols and sanctuaries around the city — aid agencies, guest houses, even a performance at a French cultural center, while warning that they will treat Western civic activities exactly like military enemies. Among the targets were three compounds where I had once shared meals and laughter with friends — now long gone — who cared about Afghanistan and had no plans to leave.


Despite the superficial urban bustle, the atmosphere in the capital is tense and eerie. In the past several weeks, I have not seen a single Western face on the streets. Not in the brightly lit supermarkets where shelves are stocked with corn flakes, cat litter and blue cheese to accommodate foreign customers’ quirks.


Not in the antique shops where international visitors once came to sip green tea and bargain over lapis lazuli earrings, brocaded nomad costumes and prayer rugs stitched with military scenes from the Afghan holy war against Soviet Russia. And not in the capital’s legendary bookstore specializing in English-language works — though the owner, in a true act of faith, is currently remodeling and expanding his cave-like quarters into a spacious modern emporium and cafe with WiFi.


For the first time since ATMs were installed here several years ago, there is no one in line to use them, and they are not constantly running out of dollars. The once-thriving radio cab business is so dead that when I called for a taxi to ferry me to a U.N. office, the dispatcher was asleep and the driver said I was his first customer in days. I have not had the courage to drive by the Lebanese restaurant that was my cherished retreat for years, until it was destroyed in a Taliban siege last January that killed the owner and every patron inside.


I have spent other Christmases in Afghanistan, always a private occasion in a strict and insular Muslim society where converting to Christianity is both a capital crime and a sign of presumed mental derangement. But this holiday season seems especially desolate. There is no hint of festive cheer in the air, and even the snow, which usually blankets Kabul’s drab gray streets by mid-December, has stayed away.


The only Nativity scene I have encountered was in a refugee settlement on the outskirts of the city, where I ventured on Christmas to interview people. I poked my head into a mud-walled cave and beheld a mother with a baby swaddled in a cradle. A goat and a calf were keeping warm in the same room, and two buffalo were lowing in the next enclosure. I tried to explain to the camp leaders what this sight meant to me, but they were politely baffled.


New Year’s is another hopeless cause. In Afghanistan, which still observes the ancient solar calendar, this is the year 1393, and Naw Roz, the Persian new year, will be celebrated several months from now when the spring equinox and the planting season arrive. In years past, there would have been various raucous New Year’s Eve parties among the resident haraji, as all foreigners here are called, but this year? Fewer, more muted, and held under lock and key.


That’s probably just as well, and not only because such gatherings would be a natural target for the Taliban. Although a few officials here are trying to put up a good front, there is little to celebrate at the moment. As the clock runs out on 2014, the new American-brokered government has failed to produce a Cabinet, the last NATO combat forces officially depart at midnight Thursday, and the insurgents are howling at the gates of the city. Perhaps the spring will bring signs of change, but for now it seems wise to remain circumspect, lie low, and huddle under thick winter clothing as invisibly as possible.



35 dead in stampede during New Year's celebrations in downtown Shanghai


SHANGHAI — Thirty-five people died in a stampede during New Year's celebrations in Shanghai's historic waterfront area, city officials said Thursday — the worst disaster to hit one of China's showcase cities in recent years.


A Shanghai government statement said another 46 people were receiving hospital treatment, including 14 who were seriously injured, following the chaos about a half-hour before midnight. Two other injured had already left hospital.


The microblog of the People's Daily, which is run by the ruling Communist Party, said that 25 women and 10 men had died, aged between 36 and 16. The injured included 3 Taiwanese and one Malaysian, it said.


The official Xinhua News Agency quoted an unnamed witness as saying people had scrambled for coupons that looked like dollar bills that were being thrown out of a third-floor window. It said the cause of the stampede was still under investigation.


At one of the hospitals where the injured were being treated, police brought photos out of dead victims who they had not been able to identify, causing dozens of waiting relatives to crowd around the table. Not everyone could see, and young women who looked at photographs someone had taken on a cellphone broke into tears.


A saleswoman in her 20s, who refused to give her name, said she had been celebrating the New Year with three friends. "I heard people screaming, someone fell, people shouted 'don't rush,'" she said, adding she could not reach one of her friends. "There were so many people and I couldn't stand properly."


Xia Shujie, vice president of Shanghai No. 1 People's Hospital, told media that some of the people brought to them were suffering from serious suffocation.


Xinhua said the deaths and injuries occurred at Chen Yi Square, which is in Shanghai's popular riverfront Bund area, an avenue lined with art deco buildings from the 1920s and 1930s when Shanghai was home to international banks and trading houses. The area is often jammed with spectators for major events.


On Thursday morning, dozens of police officers were in the area and tourists continued to wander by the square, a small patch of grass dominated by a statue of Chen Yi, the city's first Communist mayor.


Police stood guard at Shanghai No. 1 People's Hospital, where many of the injured were being treated. Earlier, relatives desperately seeking information had tried to push past guards at a hospital, state media photos showed. Guards had to use a bench to hold them back. Later, police were allowing family members into the hospital.


People who couldn't contact friends or family members went to the hospital. A man, who gave only his surname, Wu, said he had traveled to Shanghai from a province in the south, Jiangxi, Thursday morning to look for his 23-year-old friend. She had gone to Shanghai to celebrate on the Bund with another friend, but one of their phones was powered off and the other had been lost and handed in to police, Wu said.


CCTV America, the U.S. version of state broadcaster China Central Television, posted video of Shanghai streets after the stampede, showing piles of discarded shoes amid the debris.


One photo from the scene shared by Xinhua showed at least one person doing chest compressions on a shirtless man while several other people lay on the ground nearby, amid debris. Another photo showed the area ringed by police.


Steps lead down from the square to a road across from several buildings.


"We were down the stairs and wanted to move up and those who were upstairs wanted to move down, so we were pushed down by the people coming from upstairs," an injured man told Shanghai TV. "All those trying to move up fell down on the stairs."


Last week, the English-language Shanghai Daily reported that the annual New Year's Eve countdown on the Bund that normally attracts about 300,000 people had been cancelled, apparently because of crowd control issues. The report said a "toned-down" version of the event would be held instead but that it would not be open to the public.


The stampede appeared to be near that area.


"Some people have fallen," Shanghai police soon warned on Weibo, a Twitter-like service, and they urged people to obey police and leave the scene without pushing.


The Shanghai city government released photos online showing the mayor hurrying into a local hospital to visit victims.


Meanwhile, Xinhua's top story on its website was not the stampede but President Xi Jinping's New Year's message. Xinhua's story in Chinese remained just two paragraphs long hours after the disaster.


The China Daily newspaper in February reported that the city's population was more than 24 million at the end of 2013.


Associated Press reporter Louise Watt in Beijing and news assistant Fu Ting in Shanghai contributed to this report.



Syrian rebels say US ignored their early plan to stop Islamic State



ISTANBUL (Tribune Content Agency) — Two months before Mosul and other cities in northern Iraq fell to the Islamic State last June, representatives of a Syrian rebel group called on the new U.S. special envoy for Syria with an outline of a plan to stop the extremists.


The group urged the U.S. to shift its focus to eastern Syria, where the Islamic State had emerged from Raqqa and other towns under its control and begun military operations to capture Deir el Zour province.


If Islamic State fighters seized the region’s oil and gas resources, they would gain enough power to destroy the U.S.-backed rebel forces across northern Syria and link the territory they held in Syria to that under their control in Iraq’s restive Anbar province, they asserted.


“Ultimately,” they said in a written memo, using a common abbreviation for the Islamic State, “this will lead to an expansion of ISIS to reach neighboring countries as well ... bringing it closer to establish the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.”


But the presentation April 17 to special State Department envoy Daniel Rubinstein was stillborn. The plea for immediate financial support for moderate forces in the east, backing for a rebel offensive in Aleppo that would divert Islamic State forces, and relief and medical supplies in the east went unanswered.


“Two or $3 million would have changed the whole thing,” said a rebel official who was at the meeting and spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was discussing a diplomatic exchange. “But we never heard back from them.”


That’s been the pattern. Moderate rebels, despite their battlefield setbacks, have unique assets, such as ground-level intelligence about the locations and movements of the Islamic State, a grasp of local politics and the drive to expel foreign-led forces from their country. But they have failed to gain traction with the Obama administration for their plans to fight the terrorist groups, and recently they have had trouble even getting a hearing.


The Islamic State didn’t follow quite the path that Syrian rebel officials had predicted, conquering Mosul before Deir el Zour. But the rebels were right that the extremists’ takeover of eastern Syria would speed the demise of the moderates by radicalizing the battlefield, opening the border with Iraq to free movement of arms and manpower, and providing the Islamic State with income from the sale of oil and gas.


Syrian opposition leaders doubt that the U.S.-led intervention can defeat the extremists.


“You cannot defeat terrorism by airstrikes alone,” said Hadi al Bahra, the president of the Syrian Opposition Coalition. “There must be a strategy in place.”


It should entail “full coordination” between U.S.-led airstrikes and ground forces, military pressure on the Bashar Assad regime and a commitment to enable moderates to establish a governing system in Syria, Bahra said.


“They listen,” he said of U.S. officials. “But they do not respond.”


The State Department had no comment on the April meeting. “We do not discuss details of our diplomatic contacts and outreach,” spokesman Michael Lavallee said.


The administration also has tried to choke off complaints from rebel officials and commanders, threatening a total aid cutoff if they are quoted in the news media, rebel officials said. For this reason, McClatchy isn’t naming its rebel sources. (A State Department official said: “We have not heard of such a warning.”)


The meeting with Rubinstein, an intelligence expert who took over from Ambassador Robert Ford in March, was only one of numerous such efforts.


In early May, the then-president of the opposition coalition, Ahmad Jarba, made a presentation about fighting the Islamic State to Michael Lumpkin, the assistant secretary of defense for special operations and low-intensity conflict.


Jarba emphasized that the battle for eastern Syria was “important to Iraq as well” and called for “real alliance ... to fight this common cancer,” according to notes of the meeting made available to McClatchy.


“We need a strategic partnership to fight terrorism,” he said at the meeting. “We need logistical support and weapons to help the Free Syrian Army fight the Islamic State on the Iraqi border as well.” The Free Syrian Army is an umbrella group of moderate forces fighting the Assad regime.


Lumpkin replied that Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel was supported the coalition efforts against the Syrian regime and al-Qaida, and predicted there would be many more meetings “as we work together to end this challenge to us both,” according to the visitors’ notes.


The Pentagon confirmed that the meeting took place May 8 and addressed the “threat of extremists groups” such as the Islamic State. It said Lumpkin had affirmed U.S. support for Jarba’s efforts to build the capacity of the moderate opposition.


But there was no further response, Syrian opposition officials said.


One attendee at the meeting expressed surprise that Lumpkin didn’t ask about rebel strategy.


The former chief of staff of the Free Syrian Army — a post stripped of most power because the U.S. disburses covert aid to individual rebel commanders rather than through a general staff — said he’d taken maps and a five-page outline of the first phase of a strategic plan with him as well as a separate file for the battle against the Syrian regime. “But no one asked me for any of these,” Gen. Abdul-Ilah Albashir said.


Interviewed in late September, he said the Americans had shown no interest and that he didn’t volunteer his plans: “They don’t even say hello to us. How can we share these things with them?”


On May 14, Jarba and other rebel officials spent a half-hour with President Barack Obama at the White House, but the Islamic State threat didn’t appear to be a priority. The White House said they reviewed the “risks posed by growing extremism in Syria and agreed on the need to counter terrorist groups on all sides of the conflict.”


Even after the fall of Mosul on June 10, the U.S. showed little interest in rebel plans. Nour Kholouf, a defected Syrian army general who served as Syrian Opposition Coalition defense minister until recently, said in early July that he developed plans to expel the Islamic State in stages from Syrian territory, but he couldn’t get an appointment with American officials.


The most detailed strategy proposal of all was produced by one of the most effective of the rebel groups during the summer and given in August to U.S. and other intelligence officials in the Turkish border town of Reyhanli. But it has yet to be presented formally to the rest of the U.S. government.


The 30-page plan, which centers on the use of mobile strike forces, proposes to clear the Islamic State from Syria within 12 to 18 months, rebel officials said. It calls for air, ammunition, logistics and other support, including intelligence.


It would require communications equipment to replace the walkie-talkies now obtained from Best Buy or RadioShack. And it requires stepped-up support in the rebels’ battle to defend their control over much of Aleppo, Syria’s biggest city, from which they would draw much of their manpower.


“It lays out city by city the force movements and the different tactics: which cities to enter first, how to enter each city, how to overcome the IS resistance at checkpoints and from suicide bombers,” said a rebel official.


Rebel officials said they hadn’t been able to get an appointment with U.S. defense officials.


One obvious candidate for a meeting would be U.S. Army Maj. Gen. Michael Nagata, in charge of training and equipping a force of 5,000 Syrian rebels under a $500 million program.


But Nagata has yet to meet a commander of the Free Syrian Army, according to a rebel official. White House spokesman Alistair Baskey said Nagata and his team were “free to meet with members of the moderate Syrian opposition as they deem fit in order to advance their train and equip program.”


Has any such meeting taken place? The U.S. Central Command task force that deals with the new program “is taking a deliberate and careful approach toward direct engagement with members of the Syrian opposition,” said Maj. Tiffany Bowens, a spokeswoman.


The Central Command turned down a request for an interview with Nagata.


Though Rubinstein is one U.S. official who’s always available to meet, rebel officials said they saw him as a dead end. Rubinstein, whom several rebel officials nicknamed “the complaint box,” listens to all and never responds, they said. “I think they empty it into the trash at the end of every day,” said a rebel official.


In November, after the Nusra Front, the al-Qaida affiliate in Syria, pushed rebel forces out of their bases in Idlib province, Rubinstein gave a cool reception to rebel officials, according to three who met with him.


“It was an absolutely horrifying meeting,” said one attendee.


“How did it happen?” this official quoted Rubinstein as asking. “The tone was not one of ‘This is an emergency,’ but more, ‘How did you guys get beat?’” the official added.


The official said an aide to the envoy then asked them: “So what’s your strategy now? Is everything lost?” When told that the forces needed to regroup and obtain more resources, “No, that’s not a smart strategy,” the aide was quoted as saying. “Your strategy is to look at what your resources are and plan accordingly.”


With even the most effective fighting groups saying they’re receiving a tenth the ammunition they need to sustain their two-front battle, the message seemed to be that the rebels should prepare to abandon the fight.


In December, the U.S. government cut salaries for a large part of the rebel forces, McClatchy has reported. The U.S. government has refused to comment.


The State Department turned down a request for an interview with Rubinstein.


“Unfortunately, the current strategy being implemented results in the increase of terrorism,” said Bahra, the businessman who heads the Syrian Opposition Coalition. “Some battalions are not being supplied with anything: food, clothing, fuel, what they need for survival. You are pushing them to be the prey to any extreme terrorist organization that offers assistance.”


He added: “But no one is listening.”


McClatchy special correspondent Mousab Alhamadee contributed to this report.


©2014 McClatchy Washington Bureau. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.